Fear of an organised police force: Flotsam on a crime wave: The British Creditors: Part 1: The British Creditors: Part 2: A new ship Britannia: A business overview, 1782: Alderman George Mackenzie Macaulay: `The fear of its awakening': The blasting of London's tobacco traders: Land dealings in North America: `Shame, Neil, Shame!'  Bligh's favour to Campbell: Endnotes:

 

The Blackheath Connection

Chapter 23

 

Fear of an organised police force:

 

     Ekirch writes that more than 50,000 convicts had been transported (to North America)  since 1718. The measure of transportation did little to teach society to behave less atrociously. From 1782, England's social fear of crime was compounded with merchant anxiety about institutionalised thievery on the Thames, a matter given attention in the 1790s by magistrate Patrick Colquhuon. One result of the national fear of a standing army was that when a conflict ceased, areas of Britain were flooded with unemployed ex-soldiers, who, hardly surprising, resorted to crime when necessary, thereby inflating crime-rate figures.  Once Britain lost her war with America, unemployment rose, added to by returning soldiers and sailors. (Few precise statistics have been published on this point, though such post-war problems had repeated during the century).

 

       So, by 22 October, 1782, secretary of state Townshend was contacting the London's   Lord Mayor, Justices of the Peace and others on "strong measures" to be taken against waves of robberies and other disorderliness. On 23 October, 1782, Townshend complained to the Duke of Newcastle about "frequent Robberies and Disorders of late committed in the Streets of London and Westminster, and Parts adjacent". He urged the magistrates be more stern. There was an increase in capital executions. ([1])  Campbell's letters reflected officials' increasing concerns.

 

       On 17 September, 1782, Campbell contacted John Reynolds, gaoler at Chelmsford, on a matter of six convicts. The same day he contacted John Amphlett, gaoler at Worcester, "Please to bring the Orders of the Sec of State with you". On it went... on 10 October, Campbell wrote to Isaac Wood, gaoler of Lincoln, about one convict. And on 21 October, Campbell returned from Portsmouth where he'd been some days. On 1 November...

 

Campbell Letter 87:

 "Mr Campbell presents his most respectful Compts to Sir Sampson Wright & beg leave to hand to him herewith a List of the Convicts now on board the Hulks with the date of their Conviction &c".

 

All an indication that authorities were making closer inspections of "the state of crime".

 

Note: Sampson Wright was the successor at Bow Street of John Fielding, and a proponent of an organised police force. ([2]) In 1786 he founded a publication, Hue and Cry, which became a police gazette.

 

Campbell Letter 88:

             Mincing Lane 28 Nov 1782

Mr Justice Buller

                 A verbal message having been sent me by Mr Midgely together with the inclosed letter from Thomas Goodfellow a Convict on board the Hulks directing me to report to you upon the same I sent directions to the Surgeon for a State of this mans situation in point of health & his Certificate I beg leave to hand to you herewith. I have only to add that during the 12 months this man has been on board his behaviour has been very orderly. With deference & very great respect I have the honour to be ([3])

 

    For sailors, the hulks must have been one of the drearier sights of the river, yet of all the ships using the Thames, only one accidentally ran into a hulk, about October 1782.

 

Campbell Letter 89:

Mincing Lane 29 Nov 1782

Capt Le Mesurier

                I send you inclosed a Survey Estimate of the Damage and Loss sustained by your Ships running on board one of the Hulks at Woolwich which I trust & hope you will approve of & reimburse me accordingly from the account given me you had nearly done much more harm by the negligence of your Pilot

                                        --- I am

          The favour of an answer is requested -------- ([4])< /p>

 

Campbell Letter 90:

     On 5 December, Campbell wrote to Le Mesurier further: ([5])

I send you inclosed a Survey Estimate of the Damage and Loss sustained by your Ships running on board one of the Hulks at Woolwich which I trust & hope you will approve of & reimburse.... As to my deferring so long to make my Claims .... it proceeded from a delicacy; had your ship been a common merchantman or Collier, you would have heard from me ... immediately on your Ships coming to anchor but when I considered your Station & the Service you was in it was a matter indifferent to me whether I made my Claim now or a Month hence... Permit me to put you right as to the property of the Hulks. They are all mine.

 

I shall be ready to attend you or Mr Lane on this business whenever it may be convenient...

 

       (So, contrary to the views of some writers, the hulks were never under the jurisdiction of the navy, except perhaps where convicts worked for the navy by arrangement with Campbell. On 5 December, 1782, George III announced the formal break with the American colonies.)

 

     Campbell had to use diplomacy on Le Messurier, who was probably related to the later alderman Paul Le Mesurier, if he was not Paul himself. Alderman Le Mesurier was a goldsmith, one-time Tory mayor of London, originally from Guernsey. He had gone into partnership with his wife's uncle; the firm made money as prize agents in the American Revolution. He became a director of the East India Company and an MP speaking often on Company affairs. ([6])

 

Campbell Letter 91:

                             Mincing Lane 13 Dec 1782

Capt Erskine

Woolwich< /p>

        His Majesty having been pleased to grant a free Remission to Nicholas Porter convicted at the Old Bailey in 1781-1787?) you will on receipt of this discharge him out of your Custody giving him the needfull Cloathing and admonition.

          I am Sir

 

    Surprisingly, we can find that by 27 December, 1782, an early plan was submitted by Campbell for transporting convicts to North America, including an undated estimate of expenditures. (Proposal by Campbell.) ([7]) This was followed by a remarkable letter from Nepean to Christopher Gullet at Exeter, 18 October, 1783; that Campbell would be ready to enter into the usual bonds for transporting convicts to America. The government was also considering a contract between Unknown and W. H. for delivery of Thames prisoners and transporting them to North America in return for £3600, or £18 per head for 250 convicts. Campbell had proposed to accommodate convicts sent for America. Transportable felons were again being banked up in the jails and hulks. There is nothing on this in Campbell's Letterbooks.

 

*     *      *

 

Flotsam on a crime wave:

 

     Over 1782-1783, prison reformer John Howard asserted that the prison population of England rose by 73 per cent in the decade after 1776. ([8]) As even the king realised, prices increased, real wages fell, and about 130,000 men were released from the armed forces, which increased the crime rate, especially property crimes. This all laid more cost on local rates. Beattie has also demonstrated a "crime wave" between 1780 and 1784. Between 1783 and 1786, the number committed for trial at the Old Bailey was 40 per cent more than for the previous three years. The cost to the rates of prisoners inflamed a political problem. Men of the landed class and in authority were highly cost-conscious. There is abundant evidence that it was not mere hysteria producing the calls for the removal of convicts from local jails due to escapes, desperate overcrowding and the likelihood or fact of riots and escapes, spread of disease, corruption or immorality, fear in local community. The fear of gaol fever, particularly, was akin to current fears of AIDS, which has also become a new and difficult management problem for criminologists.

 

*    *    *

 

     In the spring of 1782, there were debates in both parliamentary houses on a Contractors' Bill designed to prevent members of Parliament from having any interest in government contracts (a matter later affecting the lists of merchants interested in Pacific business). The Act was passed, 22 Geo III c.45, providing that all persons holding government contracts should be incapable of being elected or of sitting in the House of Commons, subject to penalty of £500 per day, Every government contract was to contain "an express condition that no member of the House of Commons be admitted to any share of part of such contract, or any benefit to arise therefrom". ([9]) Samuel Whitbread supported the Bill in the House. Act 22, Geo III c.45, An Act for restraining any person concerned in any contract, Commission or Agreement made for the Publick Service from being elected or sitting or voting as a member of the House of Commons.

 

      Later came Act 25, Geo III, c.19, Pitt's Bill for the Reform of Abuses in Publick Office, It is likely these Bills and Acts had much to do with the East India Company's later reluctance to transport convicts to Australia, for if influential members of the Company, or even their agents, took a contract to transport prisoners, the Company stood to lose political influence. In all, the Company, which was fastidious as well as jealous about its charter, refused to become tainted with the handling of convicts. ([10])

 

*    *    *

 

The British Creditors: Part 1:

 

       With the outbreak of the American War of Revolution, hundreds of British Merchants and their colonial agents were affected. ([11]) During 1782-1783 up to 205  disrupted merchants, including Campbell, became part of a national group inspired by the original core-group of London's America merchants. (Olson emphasises, these were an old guard of merchants - in the meantime, a non-indebted "new guard" of American merchants had sprung up in Britain). After July 1783, Robert Morris was more or less forced to sell Virginian tobacco to offset the Dutch loan, also to stimulate taxation by stimulating the market, also to meet regional criticisms that his policy was draining certain regions of specie. ([12]) Resentment stirred meanwhile in the United Kingdom. Patrick Colquhuon in early 1782 was urging a Glasgow MP that at any peace conference, it should not be forgotten the large sums owed by Virginia, Maryland and Carolina to Scotland. Colquhuon wanted a Glasgow delegation to be consulted by government parties in negotiations with the US. ([13])

 

     Robert Morris seems to have been impressed by continued French interest in buying tobacco, so once he resigned from public life he entered such trade on his own account, making a contract with the French Farmers-General. It seems the French made the first overture - and - was Sir Robert Herries working also in such contexts? Also involved it seems were one Jonathan Williams and his father-in-law, so Morris linked with them by March 1784, in a contract for 15,000 hogsheads of tobacco per year for three years. Morris was also dealing in tobacco with Le Norman, receiver-general of finances of France, for 60,000 hogsheads of tobacco in 1785, 1786 and 1787, using his old links with Le Couteulx in Paris. In 1785, a shipment of 2000 hogsheads were lost; Morris and Alexander were still linked. Morris by 1788 wanted the business continued, but matters lapsed, some earlier tobacco quality had been poor, and tobacco supplies became quite scarce. Sumner says these tobacco arrangements produced a clamour in Virginia due to arguments about price. ([14])

 

     In Britain, The Committee for British Merchants (of London , Bristol, Liverpool, Whitehaven and Glasgow) Trading to Virginia, Maryland and North Carolina Previous to the Year 1776, was set up (hereafter termed, The British Creditors).

 

*     *    *

 

The British Creditors: Part 2:

 

    In 1782, the British Creditors already in contact with Campbell were not the only merchants to complain about Americans defaulting on their debts. A memorial of Glasgow merchants interested in North American Trade previous to 1776 on 30 May, 1782, representing 69 business houses in Glasgow, collectively owed some £1.3 million, was also sent to London. ([15]) Finally, Campbell was leading a group of about 205 aggrieved merchants from the length and breadth of the United Kingdom.

 

     (In 1775, a colonial firm at Baltimore dealing with the sale of Irish convict and indentured labour had been Woolsey and Salmon. ([16]) Morgan ([17]) discusses the American debts of Stevenson, Randolph and Cheston, debts which prompted them from 1782 to correspond with Duncan Campbell and the committee of the British Creditors.)

 

A new ship, Britannia:

 

     Campbell was able to afford to buy and manage some ships. Britannia as sailed by William Bligh was launched at Deptford in 1782. Here is a mystery of eighteenth century salary. A Bligh letter exists - Bligh notes that Campbell paid him 500 per year for sailing to Jamaica. ([18]) All Bligh historians repeat the information. It seems unlikely Bligh would be paid as much as £500 per annum - unless Campbell as shipowner was uncommonly generous to a relative? Perhaps Bligh improved his ordinary salary by engaging in private trade? As Ralph Davis notes, the term shipowner (denoting an occupation) did not enter common usage till late in the Eighteenth Century; or later, 1815. ([19]) Not till 1780 did such specialisation begin to seem necessary. Christopher Lloyd provides comparative information. ([20]) In 1807 a navy captain received £32 monthly or £384 yearly. The naval lieutenant got £9/2/0d. monthly; a ship's master got £12/2/- monthly. If Bligh is correct as to the salary Campbell gave him, the figure was a high watermark for Eighteenth Century terms of employment!

 

*     *    *

 

A business overview 1782:

 

November 1782:

 

     At Sherborn, Nantucket, word came from London that Britain was ready to sign a provisional peace treaty with the colonies. ([21]) William Rotch immediately decided to gamble for the long term. He sent two ships, Bedford, Capt. William Mooers and Industry, just returned from successful voyages to the Brazils whaling grounds. Bedford left in December with newly-refined oil to reach the Downs, London, on 5 February, 1783. She proceeded up the Thames from Gravesend the next day, to anchor just below the Tower. Her flag of the USA, the first-ever sighted in London, created an instant sensation. Customs men  were perplexed as a state of war still existed, but they decided to allow in the desperately-needed whale oil. Among the many visitors to the ship was Mary Hayley, widow of George Hayley. ([22]) But after the signing of the treaty of 1783 an import duty of £18/3/- was placed on American oil. The news came as a "vital blow" to the Nantucketeers. ([23])

 

    

            On 31 August, 1782, Matthew Ridley was seeing Jay and discussing matters such as Robert Morris' dealings with the French financier, Ferdinand Grand. All of which suggests that by 1783, as sometime-chairman of the British Creditors, Campbell had probably heard occasional news of Ridley's activities in promoting the American cause.  In this context, Campbell's usual courtesy expressed as he wrote to his American creditors, and on an occasion, to Ridley himself, spoke of his capacities for mercantile diplomacy - such is the man Jefferson would meet in 1786.

 

          During 1782, Campbell was harassed by problems in managing his ships as well as death in the family and domestic problems, his wife being confined with a premature baby. Since 1782 was a busy year for Campbell, a list of some legal officials he dealt with may be useful. In 1782 at the Court of Kings Bench were the Earl of Mansfield, Edward Willes and Francis Buller. Samuel Midgely was one of the Clerks of Rules. Clerks of Assize for the Home Office included Jerome Knapp and an associate, William Pope. For the Midland Assize was John Blencowe plus associate Mr. Adams. For the Norfolk Assize was Gerrard Dutton Fleetwood with associate Mr. Bury. For the Northern Assize was John Rigge with associate Mr. Warters (Francis P. Waters?). For the Oxford Assize was Meredith Price, with an associate Benjamin Price. For the Western Assize was John Follett/Tollett, with an associate John Clarke. ([24]) Many of these names can be seen in documents created before the First Fleet departed.

 

     Also seen in documents created for the First Fleet departure were names associated with the Court of Common Pleas from 1782: Rt. Hon Lord Loughborough, Sir Henry Gould, Sir George Nares, John Heath. Prothonotaries included William Mainwaring. ([25]) The Clerk of Dockets and Declarations was Samuel Underwood. ([26]) In 1782 the Court of Exchequer officials included Chancellor Lord North. Sir John Synner; and Barons: Sir James Eyre, Sir Beaumont Hotham, Sir Richard Perryn. The Deputy King's Remembrancer Officer was Francis Ingram; and the Treasurer's Remembrancer, Sir Richard Heron. The Deputy Treasurer's Remembrancer was T. Chapman FSA. The Second Secretary was Thomas Chapman. ([27])

 

*    *    *

 

George Mackenzie Macaulay:

 

    On 17 November, 1772, Ann Theed married George Mackenzie Macaulay, he aged 22,  at Saint Paul, Bedford, England. (The name Theed stretches back to 1564, quite a large family, and by the 1780s may have been associated with the jewellery trade in London). On 14 October, 1773 was christened their daughter Ann Macaulay at St Thomas Apostle London. ([28]) On 29 August, 1775 was christened George Mackenzie Macauley [sic] (Jnr) at St Thomas Apostle London. The children's mother died, so on 4 May, 1790, Macaulay married Mary Ann Theed (Ann's sister or cousin?) at Saint Bride Fleet St, London. On 26 October, 1796 was christened their son Urry Macaulay, at St Paul, Bedford; named for the family of Macaulay's uncle, who was probably the naval hero, Capt. Urry. On 4 May, 1797 was christened Mary Ann Macauley [sic] at St Paul, Bedford; on 3 March, 1800 was christened at St Paul Bedford, Beata Elizabeth Macaulay. ([29])

 

     The details should be mentioned, as in Australian history, London parishes have been searched more for information about convict origins than for information relating to the upper classes associated with the "founding of Australia". The parishes where the children of Duncan Campbell and George Macaulay were baptized, happened to house many active members of the merchant classes.

 

London 1782: George Mackenzie Macaulay was still a common councilman of London. He has been almost entirely written out of early Australian history, yet he brings with him much of the politics of the City of London.

 

     About 1782, the East India Company's ships husbands of Blackheath, broadly, the Larkins family, to whom Macaulay was related, sent out the ship Warren Hastings, 755 tons Capt. T[hos] Larkin for coast and China. Warren Hastings had been built on the Thames River in 1781, husband W. Larkins. The British Library holds a series of letter from Macaulay to Warren Hastings, who as an ex-East India Company official in India, governor of Bengal, was pilloried by Parliament for his management practices in 1788. ([30]) Macaulay and Larkins, it would appear, had interests linked to Hastings' period in government in India: details unfortunately are sketchy.

 

     There was also sent out Nottingham 730 tons. Capt. G Curtis, for India, husband T[imothy] Curtis, the brother of Macaulay's friend of opposite political persuasion, alderman William Curtis. Macaulay was a Whig, Curtis was a Tory. (There also sailed  Ann and Emilia 600 tons Capt. J. Popham built Whitby 1781, husband, J. J. Angerstein. (According to Lloyd's Register for 1784).

 

    These links would appear to establish Macaulay as a "traditional" East India Company merchant. But no such impressions can explain why Macaulay became interested in convict transportation to NSW. Macaulay's removal from history has resulted in historians misconceiving London's civic interest in promoting the resumption of convict transportation.

 

  *     *    *

 

"The fear of its awakening":

 

     Early in 1782, Campbell was preoccupied by his losses by the American Revolution and damage to his property on Jamaica, plus domestic difficulties. Saltspring estate by about April 1782 would have owed Campbell somewhat less than £5000, part of a total of over £15,000 Duncan had laid out for his brother-in-law, John Saltspring. Over 1781, Campbell lost at least £4000 on his ships. Later, Capt. Ross was to embroil Campbell with angry foreigners by bringing in a supposed prize ship; another disaster. Campbell had to tighten up, and as he did, on 6 February, looking forward to closing his books during April 1782, he began to summarise on his Jamaican creditors in a letter to John Saltspring. Informing that his (Duncan's) health had remained poor since he had heard of the death of Rebecca, he said Dugald would consequently not be going out to Jamaica as  planned.

 

Campbell Letter 92:

London 6 Febry  1782

John Campbell per the Swallow Packet Copy per the favour of Donald Malcolm Esqr.

 

My last to you dated 28th Decemr of which having sent copies I beg leave to refer thereto   About Ten days since your letter 11 November came to hand; the fear of its awakening in my mind my feelings for the loss I have sustained, has till this moment prevented my reading it Dugald having only read to me what related to business, but as I could not answer without perusing it I have indeed met with another severe trial of my fortitude. Had I read that letter when it came to hand I should have been much less able to support its effects being at the same time in a very indifferent state of health and Spirit, but I thank God I am now much better. I have as you say lost a Valuable Child in whom I had placed great hopes indeed of Comfort in my advanced life, and as instance  and example to my younger children of which from their number they will stand much in need of the more so from the Conduct of poor Mary, what a blessing would she have been to those infants. But on this I must not dwell longer, it will unman me quite....

 

My former letters would advise you of my having altered my mind as to Dugald Embarkation, at least for a time; if I find my health and spirits such as to be able to part with him he may go by next convoy. My affairs about you seem to want some exertion, otherwise I shall be made a Dupe of by most of my Correspondents. Mr Brown has I think almost entirely given up consigning to me; Mr Fleming I can easily see will do the same unless I enter deeper into advance than his consignments are worth indeed I repent my having had any connexion with a man in his situation who is only able to receive but cannot confer a favour; ....... Mr Brissett .... had been trifling with and amusing me from year to year with promises.

 

I am afraid by your pacific conduct in all my money matters you consider my purse much much deeper than it really is; what I give or do, I do freely, & that perhaps as I have gone so far leads you to think so, but I beg to undeceive you; I have declined drawing a line .... If I am reduced to the necessity of borrowing money, my comfort & peace of mind are at an end, & no future prospects, be what they may, will make amends for that loss.

 

...and at my time of life from the common course of Nature it becomes necessary to make arrangements suitable to my situation & family an object that I can assure you fills up many of my solitary hours with no small degree of anxiety, & here I drop this serious subject. I have more than once written to you respecting Miss Crooks' stay here, her Expence is enormous and more than the Estate can, or ought, in justice to the other children to afford; I must therefore insist upon being relieved from the payment of her Bills which are daily enhancing my advance on that Est Account. She is very desirous to return to Jama, her years and size require she should be taken from school & I cannot conceive what are Mr Brown's reasons for continuing her longer here; in this I hope you and Mr Dickson will not interfere without loss of time .... I have expressed the same desire repeatedly to Mr Brown without effect; he has forbidden her being suffered to visit anybody, even Mrs Campbell has been refused when she asked Mrs Stevenson to lett her spend a few days with her. However extraordinary this may appear it is nevertheless true. NS has applied to me for payment of your Debts, & I see by a letter from Noble to him which he sent me, that a suit against you was suspended only from the hope you had given that I would pay him his Demand, this I have in my former letters told you would be very inconvenient. If Mr Neil does take such vigorous steps with you, which is not unlike him, he must be one of the most ungrateful Monsters on Earth, he really is of that cast; ...... I already despise him ....

 

    Capt Ruggles writes me that you or I must put him or some certainty as to the payments he or Mr George are to receive from Fleming; ... The supplies now sent Mr Fleming & those ordered from him from Ireland will make the balance .... ([31])

 

     In 1782, one of Duncan's relatives in Scotland was hoping to form a business partnership, probably an agency arrangement, with a London merchant, Mr. Buchanan, who may have been John Buchanan, who before the revolution had links with merchants about Baltimore. On 16 February, 1782, Campbell wrote to Colin Campbell at Glasgow about a bill upon Campbell met with due honour, a dissolution of Colin Campbell's partnership, of which Campbell had already heard from Mr. Thompson. Colin was to form a connexion with a Mr. Buchanan, involving some underwriting, and would visit London, Campbell was then attempting to reduce his West India situation, "In short at present any little certainty at home I should prefer to more extended Views by foreign adventure, but this more when you state your plan. I am happy to hear poor Henny and her little ones are well. We all desire to be remembered to her and you & I remain Dear Sir"

 

      Evidently an East India stockholder, Campbell seldom dealt with East India Company men till 1788, and one of the few letters he wrote to such men is given below. Samuel Smith is conspicuous, in that in 1784, Smith was a director of the East India Company (1783-1786). ([32])

 

Campbell Letter 93:

Mincing Lane 23 March 1782

Samuel Smith Esq.

                When you did me the honor of calling upon me a few days since at Mincing Lane for my vote at the ensuing election for India Directors; I did not then wish to give any answer being an entire stranger to your person and character, but the latter having since been so handsomely represented to me by some of my friends and particularly by my very worthy friend Mr George Kinlock I take the earliest opportunity of assuring you of my vote at least. I have the honour to be

          Sir ([33])

 

     By 28 March, 1782, Campbell to James Miller said he was expecting his former brother-in-law, John, Saltspring, to arrive in London. To Duncan's great anxiety, John never arrived.

 

Glasgow: Yesterday a Notary had presented on John Saltspring's Bill on Campbell in favour of James Miller, £2658/6/8d., payable five years after date... Campbell "must decline... I expect him [i.e., Saltspring] home by the first fleet".

 

      On 30 March, 1782, Campbell wrote to Thomas Yates, purser of HM Goliath,  mentioning his son John, ([34]) born in 1764. John in 1782 had been humiliated in the naval training his father intended him to have, and the boy wanted, as he wished to be a ship's captain. He had been posted a mere captain's servant. John had been on Goliath  under Sir Hyde Parker. Duncan felt personally slighted by the treatment given John. Duncan's relative, William Campbell, in 1782 had become one of the commissioners of the navy, and Duncan complained to him bitterly, using one of his sour, sarcastic outbursts he was prone to when he was overly frustrated. Duncan's "duty as a parent" had induced him to ask William Bligh on the morning of 13 August, 1782, to examine John's situation on Goliath. On being informed of the situation, and making several more fruitless inquiries, Campbell then wrote to William Campbell. John was released by late 1783 from the navy to be put aboard his father's newly-acquired ship, Lynx, to be trained by a master seaman now in the family's employ, Bligh.

 

    On 1 April, 1782, Campbell wrote to William Vanderstegan, of Cane End. ([35]) Vanderstegan had lost the use of his limbs by an accident, with which Campbell commiserated. Almost casually, Campbell mentioned an allusion to a plan of Mr. Ridley, which Campbell would look over. ([36]) This was presumably, Matthew Ridley, Campbell's former agent in America. (It may have been that though abandoning Campbell's business, Ridley had nevertheless maintained some of his own profitable connections. What was going on here is impossible to say - we do not know how old was the Ridley plan alluded to by Vanderstegan.) ([37]) It is known that Robert Morris by 6 October, 1782, was writing to Ridley on topics of war and revolution. ([38]) Matthew Ridley had returned to France from Holland by August 1782 and became friends with John Jay. Ridley's activities appear to have been conducted in a bubble produced by Morris' earlier machinations. ([39]) On 28 August, 1782, Ridley saw Dr Bancroft. By now, Morris preferred to deal with the French financier Ferdinand Grand. By 31 August, 1782, Ridley saw John Jay and discussed Morris' dealings with Grand. How much Campbell knew of any of this is impossible to say.

 

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The blasting of London's tobacco traders:

 

     The debt monies claimed by the British Creditors have been totalled at between £2.5 and £5 million sterling, or even more, depending on how the count was taken, and if interest for the duration of the revolution is included. The Creditors were formed from April, 1782. ([40]) ([41]) An initiator was a  former tobacco trader, Nathaniel Polhill MP, who wrote first to Campbell. Presumably, respect for Campbell's organisational abilities had lasted since 1775, when he had faded from London merchant politics. Polhill evidently opted out of proceedings, for soon Campbell "sorely missed" Polhill's guidance and advice. ([42]) Over time, using a modern style of lobbying, the Creditors made overtures to government about their cause, but they remained generally frustrated. As Pitt himself observed, one great stumbling block was the US' lack of any mechanisms for taking legal action for the satisfaction of claimed debt matters. Pitt also gauged that the different states of the US had to be distinguished, which, in effect, meant the British government could take no direct action, since the Federated US had still not crystalised. ([43])                                        

 

     The same day - 1 April, 1782 - that Campbell wrote to Nathaniel Polhill on matters he hoped would certainly engage Ridley's attention, moves were being made by increasing numbers of British merchants to recover their American debts. Here, Olson stresses, the pre-war group of American merchants was re-emerging. ([44]) Olson writes, "The question of debt was clearly one of practical interest that could not be elevated to a `cause'." As well, ministers needed specific information only merchants could give.  ([45])

 

      The pre-war merchants were an older generation. New merchants in London would overtake them, as new operators in the new United States would overtake the colonials who had been clients of the Creditors. (And many of the new operators in the US were being "conditioned" in their attitude by firms gathered about Robert Morris! In Maryland, William Molleson's business had been taken away by the Annapolis firm of Wallace, Johnson and Muir, partners of Morris. After 1783 Wallace revived links with Joshua Johnson in London). ([46])

 

     Olson adds, Edward Payne, only a middling merchant pre-war, was the chairman of the new American merchants' committee. ([47]) Duncan Campbell, John Nutt and William Molleson were chairman of the old, pre-1776 committee. Olson says Campbell tried to shift his post-war trade to New England, but this is debatable. Molleson meanwhile served on several government commissions. Olson adds, as early as 1783, there were in London two different committees of merchants trading to America, an old pre-1776 and a new, post 1783, and there was little overlap. (In 1786 was signed a London petition regarding appointment of a British consul to New England, and of 23 firms signing, only ten had been pre-war traders.)

 

     Further, as reverberations of the American Revolution, Christopher Court, Thomas Eden, John Blackburn, Thomas Land, Alex Champion; and Davis Strahan and Co. all survived the war and returned to American trade. ([48]) The old tobacco merchant Daniel Mildred became a banker, as did many Quakers. William Telfair and Basil Cooper bankrupted. (Campbell had been dealing with Telfair for timber). De Berdt, Dearman and Co. became brokers for the purchase and sale of American land (one wonders if they dealt with Robert Morris?). John Norton died and his heirs ceased trading. By 1783, Cooke and Ralph had gone bankrupt, and Fludyer, Hudson and Streatfield reported they had broken up.

 

Land dealings in North America:

 

      By 3 September, 1782, Matthew Ridley saw Thomas Barclay of the Philadelphia firm Barclay, Moyland and Co., as Barclay was also American consul in France. ([49]) On 12 October, 1782, Ridley dined with a London firm, Richard Neave and Son, who complained of Samuel Wharton, a Philadelphia merchant who had let them down.  Neaves had backed a firm, Boynton, Wharton and Morgan, with a matter of £33,000  sterling. Wharton of Philadelphia was also a land speculator. Unfortunately, details are absent regarding Neave's deals, which presumably were made after Cornwallis had surrendered at Yorktown?

 

     Richard Neave and Co. were merchants of 9 New Broad Street. Neave and Aislabie were merchants and soap-makers of 13 Butcher Row... and a soap-maker may have used whale products?. Richard Neave in 1792 was one of the Lords Lieutenants of London, a director of the Hudsons Bay Company, and a director of the Bank of England, while in 1793-1794, James Neave was a director of the South Sea Company. At that time, Neave and Aislabie were victualling British forces in the West Indies, Canada and Nova Scotia. It is difficult to see Richard Neave earlier risking failure for £33,000, though some younger Neave might have risked failure for such an amount? But, as for Neaves of the early 1780s,  some American connections were, as Kellock informs, one Christopher Kilby (1705-1771) of Boston, Massachusetts, had married a sister of Richard Neave; Kilby, in London by 1739 as special agent for Massachusetts, was linked to the firm  Sedgwick, Kilby and Barnard; and in the Seven Years War, Kilby shared victualling contracts with Sir William Baker, a confidant of Newcastle; which speaks of the family's high level contacts.

 

      Neave intimated to Ridley he had now failed due to Wharton. Similar discussion with Neaves ensued on 13 October, 1782. Ridley knew that by 27 November, 1782, Thomas Townshend and London's Lord Mayor were concerned to prevent speculation in the city regarding war news and ideas about negotiations with America. So what of Neave here? Did he risk failing as he'd begun speculations too early - a director of the Bank of England? It is known, Neave did not fail. It is not known, that Campbell ever had links with Neaves, so little conjecture can arise here. What of Neaves, talking with Ridley about failures in land speculation in North America?

 

       In 1782 at the Bank of England, the governor was William Ewer, the deputy governor was Richard Neave. Other directors included Joseph Nutt and Samuel Thornton. (Source: The Royal Calendar). Richard Neave had joined the Court of the Bank of England in 1763; he governed the bank between 1783-1785 and sat in its court till after 1800. ([50]) By 1750, Richard Neave was a partner with Neate, they separated about 1756. A Neave-Neate linkage would presuppose so many other upper-echelon merchants being involved, an entirely new line of research would have to be developed. Suffice to say, the only links Campbell had with New York were via the now-defunct Coldens. There is no evidence Campbell or any of his regular associates dealt with American interests during the Revolution. The Ridley-Neave connection here may have to remain a mystery of wartime chicanery?

 

     Benjamin Lee Aislabie, one of Neave and Aislabie, in 1814 was a Local Land Commissioner about the Blackheath area. According to the House of Commons Journal, ([51]) some contractors to the British army in North America, December 1783 to December 1784 were William Mills £221, John Burke £5658, Neave and Aislabie £3554. ([52])

 

*    *     *

 

      On attempts to resurrect London-American trade, Olson adds, Thomas Jefferson considered dealing again with Carey, Moorey and Welsh "though he didn't much like them". Carey and Moore died. ([53]) From 1783, as soon as shipping was safe, Olson writes, Christopher Court and Thomas Eden re-established old business with pre-war tobacco growers in Maryland. John Blackburn tried to resurrect old associations. Mary Hayley wrote to pre-war correspondents, wanting orders from her deceased husband's former clients. Some New England firms "rushed back" to do business with firms such as Lane, Son and Fraser, or Champion and Dickason. Some New York merchants tried Londoners such as John Blackburn (who had a new partner) or Fludyer, Hudson and Streatfield. In 1783 with the end of the Revolution, many of the pre-war interest groups, writes Olson, "actually expected" to re-establish their earlier associations in America. But cohesion was gone. Some London interests had to work their English provinces more strenuously, while some Americans sought to create new national US links. ([54])

 

     Nutt does not seem to have returned to the American trade. The old consignment system was dead, partly as merchants from across the world now sent ships to American harbours. New business methods were used, and American products were sometimes sold at auction in London, undercutting prices earlier calculated via the consignment system. The tobacco was anyway low-priced. New Virginia merchants set up at Norfolk to buy tobacco and set up stores selling directly to the planters. And with all this, Duncan Campbell probably felt inconvenienced. He could not recover his old debts, he could not adapt to new ways of doing business with a new generation of operators. It is evident from the literature of debt repudiation that many of the post-1783 Americans who opposed debt repayments were a new generation of traders who had no empathy with situations existing before 1775. (Jefferson, of course, and quite properly, retained empathy with the situation existing before 1775). A rare discussion of the Creditors by an English historian is provided in Kellock's neglected article (1974). The Creditors were a group formed by individual commercial operators who had been scattered, violently and successfully. Additional biographical information on many of them is difficult to find, possibly one reason historians have tended to ignore them. ([55])

 

*     *     *

 

"Shame, Shame, Neil!":

 

     Campbell was soon outraged with his nephew, Neil Somerville. John Campbell at Saltspring plantation, whose health was poor, had deepened his debts with Duncan's nephews, Neil and Frank Somerville and Frank's partner, Noble. Outraged, on 4 April, 1782 Campbell wrote to Neil Somerville at Glasgow, as Noble had informed Campbell that Neil Somerville has begun to prosecute against John Saltspring. Duncan unfurled his usual formula of disgrace and fired all guns, and called Somerville ungrateful... "Shame Shame Neil!" ... "I suppose you think yourself now so much above the world as to bid Defiance to all but those about you and therefore may slough off the masque [sic] ... sordid as you are ....." ([56])

 

    Apparently, a jumped-up nephew indeed! But it seems that Neil Somerville was reacting to Duncan's refusal of about 6 February to pay John Saltspring's debts as requested. As Duncan often said, John Saltspring was "pacific" in money matters. Campbell's anger was immense. Neil had been behaving poorly habitually. Even one of his brothers had begun to despise him. As usual, Campbell abhorred anyone who "bid Defiance to the world".

 

     On 5 April, 1782 Campbell in London wrote to his namesake Duncan Campbell of Jamaica about the worrying silence of Capt. Ross. On 6 April, 1782 Campbell wrote to William Fleming mentioning the arrival of the (new) ship Saltspring in Jamaica. Also on 6 April, 1782 John Campbell of Jamaica wrote to Campbell about the sale of logwood off the ship Green River. Later Campbell wrote:

 

Campbell Letter 94:

London 22nd April  1782

John Campbell

             By Mr. Donald Malcolm

    I send you a copy of my private Letter of 6th Feby. & general letter of 6 April to which I refer. In the last I mentioned having written to Miller touching your Bill a copy of which letter with his answer I send you herewith I am at a loss what construction to put on his conduct in sending out the Bill I hope you have made no special Engagement to subject yourself to any loss or inconveniency by its being refused acceptance otherwise than that common on such occasions viz. giving security for the bills being paid when due, if you did make any such agreement you ought to have informed me accordingly. Large as my Engagements already are for you, had the safety of Jamaica been out of the question, my security would have been immediately annexed to this Bill. It was presented thro' a strange Banker without the least notice from Miller & called for next day; his behaviour in this matter has not much pleased me, but you know him best. Be as that may I am sure you will not under the present prospect  of Affairs in the West Indies which rather thicken than brighten blame me for my conduct; come what may I can but pay this sum for you at last. When I tell you that at this moment the Balance of your Current Account which you have a sketch herewith is no less than £7151/7/10d. you will wonder what more funds would enable me to go so far, than that I decline going farther at present The Governor Dalling is now at Cork taking in provisions for Hanover a running Ship, I have ordered half of your & my other friends supplies from thence to be shipped in her, but as I did not care to risque the whole by that conveyance the other half I mean shall be sent p[er] the next Convoy.   these Provisions are not included in the above Balance.  Every Body here connected with Jama is in greatest anxiety about its safety. I am perhaps less afraid than most people from my knowledge of its natural Strength, but my mind is by no means easy. We are in daily expectation of a Packet which may & I hope will bring us the good news of our fleets arrival out & other favourable accounts, for this & for your health & happiness you have the prayer of me & all about me.   poor Mrs Campbell is but indifferent in her days past with symptoms of a miscarriage but is rather better yesterday & she may get go her time or near it. She & Dugd join in Love to you with ......

 

PS    By the Convoy to the fleet now going out I sent Mr Fleming a State of his Current Account the Balance of which was $339 .... to this there is to be added his Irish provisions. Not being certain of your stay in the Island I have given Mr. Donald Malcolm two Bills drawn by Fleming in favour of Mr Ruggles viz. one for £70 another £67... which I paid for Ruggles honour rather than let them return protested which Bills I have desired Mr Malcolm to negotiate & to receive payment of he will of course consult you on the occasion & I beg you will not lead me further into Engagements with this man but extricate me as far as possible from what I have done. The Balance of the estate Mr Crooks currt Accot by midsumer next will not be less than £450 or £500 a State of which will be sent next opportunity mean time this will guide you in your deliberations & conduct with Mr Brown. ([57])

 

     During April, Campbell made strenuous efforts to get his son John out of an awkward situation in the navy, his ally being Bligh. ([58]) On  25 April, 1782, a copy of a letter from Mr. John Ingram to Campbell was to be sent to Admiral Campbell with the following letter, to Billiter Square, 25 April, 1782:

 

Sir, As I understand that you are acquainted with Admiral Campbell now going to the Newfoundland Station I could take it as a favour if you will be so obliging

 

(Note: Letter 95 is one of the first business letters written by Duncan's son, Dugald.)

 

Campbell Letter 95:

London 1st June   1782

Mrs Newell,

            By my Father's desire I beg leave to acquaint you that he has insured on your Account in the Telemachus Capt Sherwood 400 pounds on 10 hhds Sugar valued at 24 pounds per hhd & 10 Punchns Rum @ 16 pounds per Puncheon.  He has conformable to your wish, considering her a running Ship, made this insurance against all risques: the Premium was 20 Guineas pCent. My Father & Mrs Campbell desire their kind compts to you and Miss Newell's & hope to hear you & they have got the better of your Colds with the best wishes for which I remain... ([59])< /p>

 

         The husband of Campbell's daughter Henrietta, Colin Campbell, was also to provide trouble. On 10 June, 1782, Campbell wrote to Colin Campbell, Glasgow, he had placed £1000 credit with Colin as given with Henny - "any sum beyond that must be paid". By then, 10 June, 1782, Mrs. Campbell "who has been long confined is now mending". Dugald had gone to Portsmouth to see his brother Jack who has been indisposed for some time on board the Goliath. ([60])

 

     Campbell's daughter Henrietta had been named for Duncan's own mother; she was born 1760 or previous. About March 1772 Henrietta went to Jamaica, travelling with John her uncle and Douglass Campbell her aunt in Britannia Capt. Ratcliffe. She carried letters of introduction to Newells and James and Mrs. Kerr in West Indies. She travelled to improve her health which was little better by March 1774. During 1773 she was housekeeper for her uncle John, Saltspring. By January 1775, his wife Rebecca deceased a month or so, Duncan was imploring his brother-in-law John to accompany Henrietta home, to help alleviate the grief he felt, and assist with eight children with no mother. Henrietta on 14 August, 1776 married Colin Campbell at Glasgow. He was a merchant, the son of Rev. Colin Campbell. On 14 September, 1782, when Henrietta had borne some children, Campbell answered one of Colin's letters regarding money - Colin had earlier, on 10 February, 1782, been dissolving a partnership he had, and was considering entering an underwriting connection with a Mr. Buchanan. Colin intended to visit London and present a plan to Duncan. By February 1785, Colin Campbell had commenced with Peter Campbell as a planter on Jamaica. Henrietta was deceased by 8 January, 1795. In all, the intricacies of such family dealings make it difficult to assess whether Campbell had decided to deal in tobacco via Scotland, or not. Campbell meanwhile was to expend much energy in getting his son John off HM Goliath.

 

    By June 1782, Campbell had written about 13 May, to John Campbell at Jamaica:

 

"About ten days after the date of my last Mrs Campbell was delivered but carrying two months before her time the child only lived a few hours. She is now in a fair way of recovery. I sincerely congratulate you on the glorious Victory obtained by Sir George Rodney which I hope will relieve you and your neighbours from that anxiety and fatigue which you have so long undergone & in its consequences have the most salutary & pleasing effects." ([61])

 

*     *      *

 

Bligh's favour to Campbell:

 

Campbell Letter 96:

London 17th June 1782

Sir Hyde Parker

Commander of His

Majesty's Ship Goliath

                      I have no other way of pleading an excuse for my troubling you with this letter being altogether a stranger, but by telling you that I am Father to a young gentleman under your Command who was recommended to you by my friend Admiral Campbell. The accounts I have of his ill state of health before your last going to Sea alarmed me greatly, but his elder Brother who is just returned from Visiting him at Portsmouth brings me the agreeable information of his having entirely the better of his complaints. The account my Boy gives of your kindness to him during his illness requires my warmest acknowledgement & those of a Father to a Son so obliged I request you to accept. I hope & trust that he will by his future conduct deserve a continuance of your protection. Wishing to place this youth under an Officer of such distinguished abilities my friend Mr Campbell undertook to recommend him to you Sir; his & my wish was to get this young man entered as early as might be on the List of rated midshipmen for the purpose of serving the time necessary for his promotion, with out the least view to pecuniary benefits I should therefore esteem it a very great mark of condescension in you to favour me with a few lines informing whether my Sons behaviour has been such as to warrant your granting him so great indulgence.  requesting you to Pardon my presumption I remain... ([62])< /p>

 

Campbell Letter 97:

Mincing Lane 17th June 1782

Jos Bushman Esq.

                In complying with the wish of the Committee of City Lands for a speedy answer to the Offer I had the honor to receive from them for the Estate at Blackfriars belonging to the Scottish Corporation, a Court of that Corporation was immediately Call'd, to whom I made a report accordingly; & I beg leave to hand you herewith a Copy of the Resolution of the Court on the same which you will be pleased to lay before the Committee as soon as may be, & at the same time to acquaint them that I shall be ready upon the first notice of ..... attend them, or you, for the purpose of carrying this Business into immediate expedition. I have the honour to be... ([63])< /p>

 

       This was, more precisely... the Scottish Corporation of London, a charity chartered by Charles II in 1665 "for the relief of poor natives of North Britain not entitled to any parochial relief in Britain". Thus, Campbell was a member of yet another committee. He must be credited with having had considerable energy; he may well have sat on more committees than is revealed by his correspondence. His fondness for weekend golfing is not revealed by his letterbooks, but many clues in his correspondence point to an active family and social life. ([64])

 

Campbell Letter 98:

Mincing Lane 20th June 1782

Mr Alex: Brodie

               Having had the honour of being in the Chair at the last Special General Court of the Scottish Corporation it becomes my duty to transmit to you a Copy of a Resolution of the Court, wherein you will see the just sense entertained by your disinterested & generous Conduct towards that Body. While I am thus executing the directions of the Court permit me at the same time to express & I trust & doubt not that by such an example as you have set forth a most Salutary Emulation will arise to promote that Antient & Charitable Institution.

With Much Esteem & Respect I have the honour to be

                                          Sir ([65])< /p>

 

The problems with John's predicament continued.

 

Campbell Letter 99:

London 2 July 1782

William Campbell,

     Chatam

                    When I troubled you in a Con? ; touching my Boy: you mentioned his Capt: as indeed every body does, as being a good natured and polite man; & under that impression I took the liberty of writing him the letter of which the annexed is a copy. I am exceedingly concerned lest by his silence I may have presumed too far; for otherwise I think he would have afforded me the satisfaction my letter requested; if you think I have done wrong, how can I make matters right you can & I am sure will advise me be that as it may I am a little hurt on the occasion & have cause too. Mrs Campbell joins   [etc]

       & I remain in truth - ([66])< /p>

 

Campbell Letter 100:

               London 2d July  1782

Peter Campbell

          Since the above which is a Copy of my last I have been favoured with your letters of 29th & 31st March & 8 April. By my last you will observe your Insurance on the Kingston & Susannah was completed & I have this day done that on the Adventure Capt Mure 288 pounds on  .... & 125 ns at 25 Gs to return 10126 pounds if sails with Convoy on or before 1st August & arrives. Agreeable to your desire I have written to Messrs Campbells and Thompson & desired them to make insurance on the 10 (?)   you mean to their adress by the Jamaica Capt: Kerr. I have now no connexion with that house the Partnership being dissolved in all respects but that of paying & collecting the Debts I am a little at a loss touching what you say in your last letter abovementioned of shiping 10 Casks more in the Kingston but as we begin now soon to expect your Fleet I think it the safest way to cover these in case you would ship them & I have therefore done them on the same terms & at same value as those before insured, I hope this step will meet your approbation.

     On the 25th last month your Mother in Law drew upon me for 142 pounds 17/3d, at 14 days date for use of Mr White's Children which Bill met with due honour. I have not since my last seen any other of your friends but Mr Briscoe who I met at the London Tavern at our Entertainment of the new Ministry about 14 days since; amongst them was Lord Rockingham who then appeared in a bad state of health & died yesterday he has had little comfort in his administration. Who is to succeed him I know not; but his Death must in some degree derange the plans of Government for a while a circumstance that cannot fail of inconvenience to the State at such a Critical time. In a few weeks after your last letter to me you would receive most pleasing Accounts upon which event I beg leave to repeat my congratulations. Mrs Campbell joins me in best wishes for your health & success & I remain .... ([67])

 

*    *    *

 

     Then came tremors, which were not going to stop, concerning Jamaica, John Campbell and the future of Saltspring. Campbell contacted his relative William Campbell at the navy.

 

Campbell Letter 101:

June/July 1782 (?)

This afternoon a very disagreeable report prevailed at Lloyds Coffeehouse of your Brother and Convoy having fallen in with the combined fleet about 160 Leags.to Westwd that the Admiral had escaped the convoy disguised & of course many of them must fall into the hands of the enemy this account is said, & I believe it to be brought by the Merlin sloop one of your Brothers Squadron. Having written your letter before I received this notice I send it in this way not having time to Copy the whole over again very much hurried by the departure of a Jamaica Packet. ([68])< /p>

 

     On 8 July, 1782, on Jamaica, Peter Campbell on Jamaica went around from Green Island to Bluefields, to see John Saltspring, who was in ill-health and about to leave for London via America. ([69]) Whether John Saltspring at this point knew of the actions being taken against him by Neil Somerville is unknown. He probably did know, but ill-health was possibly his reason for not attending to business. Doubtless, Peter and John Saltspring had much to discuss. Peter Campbell was at the plantation Fish River - his goods were delivered at Green Island, Hanover, Jamaica.

 

*     *     *

 

     Meanwhile, on 3 July, 1782 at the Africa Office London, was a general meeting of the company of merchants trading to Africa, and an election of three committee men for the City of London. Robert Smith was chairman. Candidates were James Bogle French 113 votes, John Shoolbred 113 votes and Anthony Calvert 113 votes; declared duly elected. ([70]) On 8 July, 1782, Governor Richard Miles of Cape Coast Castle wrote to Lord Germain about some convicts not recorded in the hulks overseer's surviving papers - the Katenkamp-McKenzie convicts to Africa, "Not an ounce of any kind [of the provisions promised] was landed". ([71]) Such was the efficiency of the Africa Company.

 

     There followed a family letter. On 7 August, 1782. Campbell at London wrote to John Dickson:

 

"I am happy to have it in my power to tell you your Son continues well without any return of the fits he stays with his Cous: & attends an Academy near here where I believe will improve in his Education Viz Mathematicks writing &c full as much as at Enfield & I do believe is much better taken care of. I shall expect soon to hear from you with remittances for balance of my accounts which is increased since my last to above £200." ([72])

 

      And a disaster had occurred. Also on 7 August, 1782, Campbell wrote to John Campbell, Orange Bay lost her convoy coming out from Jamaica, in the Gulph. About 300 miles from the Lizard she'd taken a prize, a brig from Grenada bound for Ostend, loaded with sugar and coffee. Capt. Ross of Orange Bay after hearing information from the crew of the prize had believed her bound to Dunkirk, and so brought her to England. "What this mad step of the Captain may add to our loss of the voyage"... "Ross meant it for the best".  Campbell had lost thousands... "The poor creature [Ross] is nearly almost petrified when spoke to on the subject of his Voyage.' ... "But I must submit to the will of Providence. Ross thought only the insurers would suffer." ... Orange Bay's  hull was much damaged - she'd been driven in shore by a hurricane. Messrs Helluson and Co. of Brest were holding Campbell liable in the affair. ([73])

 

*    *    *

 

     Campbell again contacted his relative at the navy, William Campbell, this time about his son John's situation, who was still being treated unfairly, Duncan thought, in the navy.

Campbell Letter 102:

                                         London 13 Aug 1782

William Campbell

                This morning I got a friend to examine the Books of the Goliath, who informs me that John Campbell was put on the books 1st November a Capt Servant & that he remained in that Station on the 30th April; this will show what Great Obligations I am under for the introduction of my Son into His Majesty's Service, a Youth really an able seaman & a stout young fellow; I cannot think I merited so great a slight at the Admiral's hands; had he meant to do me an injury I know not how he could wound me more effectually. I cannot find out where the Goliath is, nor do I know the proper mode of Application for his Discharge; can you give some advice how to proceed, when I know this mode I hope I shall not want to find a friend to obtain his Discharge which my Duty as a parent will induce me to urge. You have on this as on all other occassions shown me real marks of friendship; I have never been very troublesome with Solicitations indeed I have as often been able to confer as to ask a favour, I therefore feel my situation the more awkward how to acquit myself in this business but as you did make some movement I shall ever remember what good offices you can do me to extricate the Boy from such a contemptible station. Mrs Campbell joins in affectionate Compt & most sincere congratulations on the happy very happy escape of your Dear little ones I am Dear Sir

I have never had an answer to my letter to Sir Hyde what I have said above accounts for it.

I pray for an Answer from you as I am very desirous to have my Son taken out of the Goliath before she returns to sea. ([74])

 

One of Campbell's few amusing letters was the following...

Campbell Letter 103:

Mincing Lane 16 Aug 1782

John Dyer

Haydon Yard

           I have sent so many times to you for the trifling rents due me that I am almost ashamed to give you or indeed myself so much trouble; in order therefore to save us both in future I shall be under the necessity of putting this Business into my Attorneys hands unless you pay the years rent now due on or before Tuesday next. ([75])< /p>

 

Campbell Letter 104:

20 Aug 1782

J White Esq.

           Upon my coming to Town Yesterday I found your letter with its several Inclosures which had been left the day before. As I for some years past made it a rule to differ paying the fees at the Secretary of State's office till I receive the same from the board of Treasury I could not take the oath of Expenditure, as you have formed it, till I had actually paid the money, in doing of which you will see an error was connected in the casting. All the charges in my Account I have Vouchers to produce for, a few trifling fees excepted; but as Mr Chamberlayne has mentioned in his Report my making oath to the whole I can have no objection. You will therefore receive herewith that Account with my Affadavit & you will add to your many Civilities by forwarding the same to the Board of Treasury

                              I am ([76])

 

*    *     *

 

Endnote1: Before ratification of the treaty with the new United States, 3 September, 1783, the British government was prepared to allow a shipload of 150 convicts to North America on Swift, contractor George Moore, destined for Nova Scotia. An abrupt missive to Governor John Parr of Nova Scotia of 12 August, 1783 ordered him to allow convicts to land and to dispose of them. By the time Parr got that letter, Swift's convicts had mutinied. Forty scattered through Sussex, most were recaptured, eight were hanged, the rest went back to the hulks. Swift continued her voyage this time for Baltimore, where surprisingly the convicts were allowed to land. ([77])

 

Endnote2: Partly due to loss of information, it remains difficult to delineate any structural aspects of convict shipping to Australia, or its commercial impact. To date, there is no continental or Australasian overview of nineteenth century shipping visiting Australia and New Zealand, and until such an overview appears, it remains impossible to assess the impact of individual ship managers, or groupings of them. However, between 1782 and the 1840s and 1850s when transportation to eastern Australia was ceasing, the British "convict service" underwent four distinct developmental stages:-

 

(1) Rudimentary, 1782-1787, where unsuccessful attempts were made to transport convicts to partially economically developed areas.

 

(2) Shaping, 1787-1791, when the convict service under the terms of legislation of 1784 was reformed and directed to the "incognita" of Botany Bay, or Australia, with the aid of the royal navy.

 

(3) Opportunistic, 1791-1803, when the potential of stage 2, again with the naval aid, was explored and exploited.

 

(4) Imperialistic, 1803-1850 and to the cessation of transportation in 1865-67.

 

Stage 4 embraced the creation of Van Diemens Land, Moreton Bay and other new convict settlements, plus the refreshment of the Western Australian colonial outpost via the influx of monies needed to maintain a convict establishment. Convict labour was used increasingly over wider tracts of land and administrative facilities were developed in back-up. In the maritime world, stage 3 saw the convict service abandoned by its revitalisers, the whalers, and taken up by merchants with various linkages with the respectable East India Company, which in its way became less a trading company and more an arm of Imperial government. The resulting trading pattern (around Australia) saw British regiments being used as convict guards on ships out, undertaking a period of duty in Australia, and then arriving in Ceylon or India. During this stage, the Australian colonies may be regarded as a pillar of the British Empire in the Far East (India and China).  This stage ended in 1867 when transportation to Western Australia ceased.

 

      These stages have been overlooked by historians concerned with  Australia's land-based history. Each stage saw a different set of London-based shipowners working in the convict service. For example, during Stage 4, some London shipowners put either convicts or emigrants in their vessels on different voyages. In considering these basic stages, I had initially thought that the idealistic Caroline Chisholm, interested only in promoting useful (or, non-convict) emigration to Australia, studiously avoided using any shipowners who regularly put vessels into the convict service. (She might have done so on the grounds of conscience and out of concern for the well-being of her charges?) ([78]) But this was not the case. As can be found from extensive lists of ship names, Chisholm was willing to negotiate emigration in shipping with men who had let their shipping as convict transports. Also, some historians have thought, and it is possibly an Australian cultural prejudice of earlier  days, that merchants made large profits from transporting convicts. By now, I doubt that merchants made large profits from the business, and many engaged in the business only to offset other costs implicit in a voyage with such long outward and return legs. It is also plain that the early development of the wool industry in eastern Australia was reliant on the use of convict shipping returning home, but merchant profits in London still seem normal for their day, not excessive.

 

*   *   *

 

[Finis Chapter 23]

Words 11212 words with footnotes 14350 pages 25 footnotes 78