bc39 - The Blackheath Connection

Digesting the news from NSW: Observations after the Bounty mutiny: Shipping matters in London: A further attempt to recover American debts: The formation of the NSW Corps: The year 1789 - Part 2: Reports on the Nootka Convention: Slave fetters for the Second Fleet: Specially selected artificers: The continually crowded gaols: After Bligh's open boat voyage: Prisoner problems persist: The odious Second Fleet captains: John Macarthur duels with Captain Gilbert: The Second Fleet ships gather: Unknown activities of the London slavers: The year 1790: The Botany Bay debate revisited: Duncan Campbell hears of the mutiny on HMAV Bounty: Campbell's reaction to Bligh's return: The whalers and the Third Fleet: Irish remarks on the resumption of transportation: London contractors associated with NSW: Endnotes: (1) On Martinez and Spanish fury at Nootka: (2) After the Second Fleet in London: reasons for the spoiling of maritime history:

The Blackheath Connection

Chapter 39

Digesting the news from NSW:

In April 1789 the South whalers petitioned for further extensions of latitude about Cape Horn, and to be relieved of the expense of taking licences from the South Sea Company, but were told this was not convenient at present. ([1]) Simultaneously, in April 1789, Spanish frigates caught two British whalers repairing their vessels at Puerto Deseado on the Patagonian coast, the Sappho and Elizabeth and Margaret. The whalers were warned off and told the public seas in the area were exclusively Spanish territory. Later, Grenville assessed the matter of a Southern Atlantic whaler base and dredged up reports from the 1782-1783 voyage of Swallow. By November 1799, news in London was that "French privateers were preying on any British whaleships they could find, and ... the Spanish had seized fifteen whaleships off South America." ([2]) There arose partly due to Grenville a basis for a new expedition to the South Atlantic. Advice on such a survey was received from Capt. Blankett in June, 1789 and by 27 August, 1789, Nepean and Joseph Banks were discussing the scale and scope of such a voyage. ([3])

About 8 May, 1789, Richards responded to Rose at the Treasury, in part suggesting that limestone be sent to NSW to be used as fertiliser, a vessel of 30 tons being used, and sending out essence of Wort. It can be thought from the document that the idea to ship limestone was Richards', but he evidently got the notion from Governor Phillip's writings, or a letter from his agent Clark at NSW. But given that a merchant in London was willing to consider shipping fertiliser to NSW, and that government would not support his ideas, is yet another indication that government wanted to spend as little as possible on a colony destined to remain underfunded. ([4])

Earlier, William Richards on 19 April had contacted Nepean about the condition of the "poor wretches" on Lady Juliana. The ship, lying at Portsmouth, had to wait till 24 April for orders to sail. ([5]) Expressing interest in "Botany Bay news" was Sir John Call, the banker with Pybus and an associate of Sir George Young who had been interested in James Matra's proposals of 1783 and 1784. ([6]) Call's topic, just as Botany Bay ships were returning, appeared to be convicts. Campbell's reply was opaque, mysterious, but presumably Call knew of Campbell's connections with the Bounty project. (John Call, a major creditor of the Nabob of Arcot, had also helped initiate the Indian-North American fur sealing route, and had suggested convicts go to NSW or New Zealand. Call's fur project did come to pass, he had no links with shipping; and he must be termed strictly an armchair colonist. ([7])

Campbell Letter 184:

Rbt St Adelphi 20 Apl 1789

John Call Esq.

I wrote this note in case I should not have the honour to find you at home when I call this morning, to inclose to you the answer received from my Deputy at Woolwich, which after perusal I pray you to return at your leisure. I shall prosecute the enquiry to effect if possible and I shall be happy if in the event you or any other Gentleman can be benefited thereby. With very great Respect I have the honor to be

Sir ([8])

Call had political links with Pitt and Shelburne. After 1771 he was high sheriff of Cornwall and he lived the life of a country gentleman interested in politics - a well-meaning dilettante. In 1782, Shelburne appointed Call a commissioner to inquire into the state of the Crown Lands and Forests, paying particular attention to timber for naval vessels. Sir Charles Middleton was a fellow commissioner on this important matter, in 1782, when Call was re-appointed, since the inquiry continued as the national outlook for naval timber was so bleak. Call in 1784 became a member of the banking firm Pybus and Company, and member for Callington. The inquiry Call helped conduct into crown forests and lands was delivered in numerous volumes by Call to Sir Joseph Banks, since Call felt Banks would be more likely than anyone else to hold and conserve the information discovered. Call was associated in 1785 with Sir George Young when Young had delivered to the directors of the East India Company a proposal for the settlement of Norfolk Island. Even though the island was technically under the jurisdiction of the Company due to its charter, the Company was not interested. The Company men sought the opinion of their company hydrographer, Alexander Dalrymple, who derided the idea in a letter to the company dated 13 July, 1785. Dalrymple was probably right - Norfolk Island had no useful harbour. (But even so, as it turned out, with that deficit it was still visited by a remarkable number of commercial ships before and after 1800 - many of them whalers). After this rebuff, Call lost his interest in the Pacific. He was created a baronet in 1791 and died in 1801.

It is not known if John Call had anything serious in mind with the above query to Campbell. Sir Archibald Campbell, ([9]) late the governor of Jamaica, had recently been posted as the governor of Madras. In Madras, one of Campbell's first tasks was to deal with the Nabob's great debts, and his treaty with the Nabob made some alleviation of the "great, immediate" debt problem, but he later received abuse for the treaty he made. Call has received attention from Australian historians interested in the "naval stores" argument, a variant of "the Botany Bay debate".

Observations after the Bounty mutiny:

Before the Bounty mutiny of 28 April, 1789,... Gavin Kennedy believes Christian was semi-suicidal, which seems correct. ([10]) Given that his wife was Manx, Bligh once said an odd thing to her about the mutiny - that he rued the day he ever laid eyes on a Manxman. It may have been that there were more unruly Manx emotions associated with the mutiny than history has decided. Fletcher Christian was not the only Manxman aboard Bounty. Bligh's father-in-law, Richard Betham, as receiver-general on the Isle of Man since 1765 ([11]) had changed the economy of that island, but remarkably, little has been written on his efforts to suppress smuggling there. Kennedy's version of the Bounty mutiny is the most convincing to date, but I would add to the ingredients of the pre-mutiny emotional powder keg a good many Manx-based resentments that Bligh had unwittingly, or stupidly, allowed to be stirred.

The Manx, home-based associations of some of the younger mutineers may have collectively become knitted with recent Manx history. Until Christian, possibly goaded earlier by Fryer, had his night of personal torment and then undertaken such a mad, hopeless mutiny, to Bligh's humiliation. The Manx background to much of the crewing was never disseminated as a material fact at the Courts Martial. The same Manx background, or, behind-the-scenes scheming, was advanced in the campaign to save the mutineers. Sir Thomas Pasley assisted his nephew Heywood and Fletcher's brother, Edward Christian, attacked Bligh.

Glynn Christian feels perhaps that as some of the mutineers were volunteers, they lacked discipline. There may have been matters on Christian's mind at the time of the mutiny that Bligh knew about, and never till he died dared to mention in public? Bligh's gloss on how the ship was crewed might imply it. If the crew of Bounty had been psychologically bloated by indulgence sexual and otherwise on Tahiti, the requirement to get back to duty might have been galling. Bligh, seemingly attempting to unjustly dominate and insult Christian, seems to have become a catalyst all the mutineers wished to remove. Such theories are strictly ship-based only. They do seem partly at least to explain why a mutiny occurred.

Once the Manx-based, personal and family linkages and affiliations, (of Bligh and some of the mutineers) are gathered, it can be appreciated just how much was really put at stake, psychologically and interpersonally, on the 90-foot vessel as Bligh was confronted, later to be put into the tiny boat that was to become the vehicle for his magnificent feat of seamanship in getting to Coupang. Many of the more enigmatic personal remarks take on new flavour. Perhaps the Manxmen felt bitter, and knowing Bligh's family connections, irrationally saw Bligh much as the cause for any reason they had for even being on Bounty, their being resentful about career prospects - and perhaps Bligh lorded it over them in such a context by his conversation or attitude? The fact that some of these men knew each other's families quite intimately could have intensified points of conflict? The vessel had not been manned as a naval vessel usually was, and Bligh's defence of himself after the mutiny blurred this very point skilfully. One wonders who advised Bligh on his defence tactics in London?

Some of the appointments to Bounty can be seen as ways for Richard Betham to placate some of the difficulties which he had seen arise on the Isle of Man since he had reorganised its smuggling-orientated economy. The Manx were resentful of the British occupation, and it may now be impossible to tell, concerning the mutiny, how much of that sort of subtle, and economic, Manx resentment had spilled over into a mutiny after a stay on the idyllic Tahiti. No writers on the mutiny can have speculated in such a fashion, since none have known of the full range of the Manx associations existing, nor researched Bligh's father-in-law.

* * *

Shipping matters in London:

On 29 April, 1789, Lady Juliana, then at Galleons Reach, was ordered down to Long Reach, where 27 more Newgate women were embarked on 7 May. ([12]) The Glocester Journal on 4 May, 1789, ([13]) printed a report that a ship Talbot had heard of a ship to Botany Bay, (which could only have been Lady Penrhyn) which had been intending to sail from there (Botany Bay) for the fur trade of North-West America. But, she had sprung a leak and proceeded to Tahiti, where she found her bottom too bad and unfit to combat ice. So she had sailed for China, where she met Talbot. This newspaper report is consistent with other examples of Macaulay publicising his projects. But the news from the Talbot appears to be the sole evidence indicating that any report had been cast that Macaulay had used a First Fleet ship in his search for North American fur. (In May 1789, a Spanish battleship arrived at Nootka with orders to clear out the British. At least two British vessels were taken and crews imprisoned.) ([14])

Meanwhile the First Fleet's Alexander Capt. Duncan Sinclair arrived at the Isle of Wight on 28 April, 1789, carrying Phillip's declaration of the landing of convicts and Lt. John Shortland, the First Fleet naval agent. By 20 May, secretary of war Sir George Yonge had inspected Phillip's observations on the unhappiness of the marines with their tour of duty, and considered raising a corps of infantry for special service in NSW. Government by June had decided to send more vessels to NSW. Arrangements for the provision of goods were made with Alexander Davison, a merchant of Harpur-street, City, rendered by him on 1 June. ([15]) Davison supplied milling apparatus, specie, medicines and stores.

Surprisingly, on 24 May, 1789, Messrs Welbank, Sharp and Brown (WSB), the firm which had tendered two ships for the breadfruit voyage in May 1787, mentioned to Honble Sirs a tender for a carriage of convicts to "South Wales", but they were especially concerned for insurance reasons about the provision of a guard for the prisoners. ([16]) Their offer was not accepted. But since Welbank, Sharp and Brown were flax merchants, it is odd their situation as intending convict contractors in 1789, and actual convict contractors by 1801, has not been discussed as part of the "naval stores argument" in the Botany Bay debate. Britain entertained a long-standing fantasy about cultivating flax at NSW, as part of its hope to obtain naval stores more cheaply. (By 1824, a London Russia merchant, Timothy Abraham Curtis, the son of Sir William Curtis, was to be vainly interested in growing flax in NSW). ([17]) And yet another outstanding mystery here in 1789 is how Duncan Campbell became mixed up in "the flax fantasy". Here matters suggest that Campbell was indeed acquainted in the longer term with Sir Joseph Banks...

Campbell knew that Governor Phillip wanted flax dressers at NSW. Campbell always kept a mental note on any skills possessed by acquaintances. On the hulks he had a convict superintendent, Hume, who became a "flax dresser". It is intriguing to ask - how did such an agricultural matter come to the attention of the hulks overseer. Campbell moved in circles where a good deal of information about the Pacific was discussed, including botanical information about breadfruit and flax! There is no normal or official (Home Office or Colonial Office) channel of communication one would imagine being used, resulting in Campbell becoming aware of a botanical matter, a need for flax dressers in the new colony.

Andrew Hamilton Hume for most of his life was a fractious man, and one suspects he was a brutal guard on the hulks. In the Sydney colony he was apprehended for sexual abuse of a female child, and was often in the courts, although he died "respectable", associated with the Presbyterian Church. ([18]) Hume was born in 1762 at Hillsborough, County Down, Ireland; his birthplace seems to have been his prime qualification as a flax dresser, as he had no luck with flax in NSW. The eldest son of a Presbyterian minister, he entered the army. At Greenwich in 1786 he was cashiered after duelling with a superior officer. Hume then went to either Campbell or Erskine concerning a position on the hulks, where he was taken on as a convict superintendent. When it became known in government circles in communication with Governor Phillip that the colony could use a flax-dresser, somehow or other, Campbell became aware that Hume was a "flax-dresser".

**Gumtree: English artists took many years to learn how to paint this "unconventional-looking" Australian tree.**

Hume when he got to NSW did not distinguish himself as a flax dresser, the regional plants were useless for large scale production and nor did the transplantation of flax prove successful. So it is that Hume as an element in "the naval stores" argument was drawn straight from the hulks establishment, probably by the agency of Campbell. But how Campbell found out the new colony's need for a flax dresser? It could even have been at an ordinary staff briefing to which Evan Nepean had sent a message.

* * *

A further attempt to recover American debts:

James Russell, former tobacco merchant to Virginia and Maryland, died on 1 August, 1788, at his house in Queen Street, Westminster, aged 80, leaving his personal affairs in confusion. ([19]) It is probable Campbell heard of the decease with a pang, for in May 1789 he began to dwell again on his American debts. So apart from his involvement with the British Creditors, he asked Frank Mackett, the son of an old friend, John, to visit North America to see Matthew Ridley and others. Campbell then wrote his former American agents of this forthcoming visit. ([20]) Mackett was to see Austin Brockenbrough at Leeds Town, Virginia, and Russell of Baltimore, Maryland. And Campbell's old attorney in Maryland, Matthew Ridley. But nothing came of Mackett's visit, because he caught fever at Gravesend and died. Campbell then gave up in despair. ([21]) According to the American historian, Jacob Price, ([22]) Campbell, a Carolina Merchant John Nutt and the London tobacco merchant William Molleson, partner with the now-deceased James Russell, were active by 1790 in attempting to recover American debts. Unfortunately, Price gives no appraisal of the state of the Russell or Ridley camps in Maryland around 1789, as young Mackett might have met situations there - except that the situation was a bureaucratic nightmare, and that any developments would have been very slow.

After Mackett's departure, Campbell as British Creditor activist set about re-contacting his merchant friends. Just what had set him off is difficult to say. By 1 July, 1789 he was trying to arrange meetings with prime minister Pitt. On 1 July he wrote to John Rose in Virginia a heartfelt missive about his losses, to try to sound out American reaction. The subject engrossed Campbell the rest of the year, and he downplayed his Jamaican engagements for the interim. Then he became caught up in embarkations for the Second Fleet to Australia. There had also been another death for Campbell to consider. By 31 May, 1789, H. Cosnahan [on the Isle of man] had applied to G. Farquhar for the post of Betham "who has now died". Witnesses to Betham's will were Messrs Robert Heywood, Telly, Barber. ([23]) About the time of the mutiny on the Bounty, then Bligh's father-in-law Betham had a Heywood signature on his will, whilst Peter Heywood was acting as a mutineer against Bligh. By the time Bligh returned from the mutiny to London, Campbell was attempting to help Betham's children execute their father's will.

Later, the British Creditors met on 10 February, 1790 and decided to ask to meet with Pitt. Campbell contacted Pitt's assistant, Smith, on 18 February, 1790. (Then Campbell's brother Neil died, on 23 February). The Creditors met with Grenville after 27 February, 1790, then met with Pitt early in March. Pitt shrewdly (and in fact echoing Jefferson's attitude in 1786) desired the American states in question to be distinguished from one another: it was a matter of federated versus individual states' rights. That was that. The Creditors met again on 20 March, 1790 (for Campbell, just as Bligh got back to London from his debacle on Bounty). But they never again had the same force. Pitt remained unhelpful. Campbell himself continued to fantasize about recovering his American debts into the late 1790s. Such matters were to be pursued, unsuccessfully, into the 1790s. ([24]) Campbell dreamed (vainly ) of recovering his American debts into the late 1790s.

(By October, 1789 Campbell was going into the country more frequently, supervising work after his recent purchases of more farmland stretching south east down into Kent).

* * *

In May, 1789 the Carlisle jailer sought the help of the Secretary of State in having convicts removed, but failed, so he sought the assistance of Lowther, MP for Cumberland. ([25]) By 8 September, 1789, the new secretary of state, Grenville, replied to Sir William Lowther, who had written about convict transportation. Grenville replied, all counties were similarly inconvenienced, and that no more transportees could be sent to the hulks, as they are already so crowded, any more would certainly produce infectious diseases amongst them. Mackay suggests, "It is apparent that these distant areas had been to some extent sold short". ([26]) That deficiency was to be made up the Second and Third fleets. The next convict transport was HM Guardian.

The formation of the NSW Corps:

On 20 May, 1789, Sir George Yonge wrote to Treasury announcing the King's consent for the formation of the new NSW Corps, also known as the Botany Bay Rangers. ([27]) In the domain of Thomas Shelton, the contract for HM Guardian became his first contract - the earlier ones are still missing. William Richards contracted for the 20 male "specially selected artificers" sent on HM Guardian, Capt. (Lt.) Riou RN. She carried 1003 tons of stores worth £70,000, only to be wrecked at Christmas on an iceberg off the Cape of Good Hope. Also aboard were "flax dresser" Alexander Hamilton Hume; and Rev. Richard Crowther, who arrived back to England after the wreck as quickly as possible to appear at a friend's door "like a ghost", declaring he was lucky to be alive and "not meant" for New South Wales. ([28])

On 4 June, 1789, Lady Juliana finally sailed for Spithead near Portsmouth, where five women just reprieved from death sentences at the Old Bailey were sent for embarkation on 12 June. ([29]) On 8 June, 1789 the War Minister ordered Major Francis Grose to take command of the NSW Corps and by September about 300 men had been recruited "by beat of drum". ([30]) On 20 June, 1789, Evan Nepean at the Home Office advised Governor Phillip that "in the course of the autumn I expect that about 1000 more Convicts of both sexes will be embarked from the several gaols and despatched to Port Jackson". ([31])

Campbell just then was again pressing the claims of merchants disturbed about their American debts. ([32]) He was also writing to William Miles at Bristol about Brissett's sugar (from Jamaica), on 15 July, 1789. One William Ball on 1 April owed Campbell £818/7/9d, as Campbell calculated during a great burst of debt-collecting letters, which included letters to the executors of several estates. Campbell on 25 June, 1789 wrote to William Fitzhugh, London, Virginia - Fitzhugh owed £379/2/-. In America the debt collector Campbell employed was John Rose, who delivered very little satisfaction indeed. ([33])

Campbell Letter 185:

Adelphi June 25, 1789

.... & is desired by the Committee of Merchants Trading to America previous to the year 1776 to request that Mr Smith will have the goodness to take Mr. Pitt's pleasure whether and when he will be pleased to grant an audience to the Committee. Mr Smith's giving a day or two notice of Mr. Pitt's intentions will be esteemed as a particular favour.

Mr Campbell presents his respectful Compts to Mr. Smith ([34])

The year 1789 - part 2:

The series of Shelton's Contracts for convict transportation begins not with the First Fleet contract, as might be expected, nor with Lady Juliana, but with the contract for HM Guardian, Lt. Riou, dated 20 July, 1789. ([35]) Guardian left on 12 September, 1789, to be wrecked off South Africa. Aboard her were 25 specially selected artisans, ([36]) and 1003 tons of cargo.

On 6 July, 1789 was written a letter from the secretary of state at the Home Office to the Lords Commissioners of the Treasury, about another 1000 convicts to be sent to NSW "with the least expence to the Public". The note remained, of urgency about overcrowded gaols and a desire to save money. So began the Second Fleet. Its name is a misnomer, as it actually sailed in two sections. ([37])

Not surprisingly, W. W. (William Wyndham, 1759-1834) Grenville, first Baron Grenville, also contacted (his own brother) George, Lord Buckingham in Ireland (first Marquis of Buckingham), about 9-11 July, 1789, on the riddance of Irish convicts. On 10 July, 1789, a quick response to the 6th July, arose a detailed document listing stores to be sent with the Second Fleet, including farm implements, tools, medicines, clothing, books and food. ([38])

From Plymouth, Lady Juliana 401 tons Capt. Aikin finally sailed for NSW on July 29, 1789, with about 90 women ([39]) from various county gaols. Ship's surgeon was Richard Alley (later on Royal Admiral 1 owned by the Larkins family of Blackheath) who did little to discipline the female convicts. Richards had already hired her as a transport for seven months or more. Aboard as Navy agent was Lt. Thomas Edgar, the surgeon was Richard Alley. She was chartered by the East India Company for her return voyage providing she arrived at Canton before 15 January, 1791, and was in fit state to receive a cargo of tea. Her voyage was so slow it later drew the wrath of London officials, and after the wreck of Guardian at Table Bay, much of her stores and the five convict superintendents on Guardian went onto Lady Juliana, along with some of Guardian's sheep. She was at Teneriffe on 21 September, 1789, at Rio for 41 days between 26 November, 1789 and 10 January, 1790, the Cape of Good Hope for nineteen days, 1-19 March, 1790. ([40])

Campbell Letter 186:

Adelphi 22 July 1789

Lieut Col A Murray

I have this moment received your letter informing me that Mrs Semples friends are interesting themselves to obtain permission for her husband to banish himself for life, & wishing me to inform you, how he has behaved since his Confinement in the Hulks. In answer to which I have only to say, that my officers report him to have behaved very orderly. ([41])

Reports on the Nootka Convention:

During 1789, the London publisher John Stockdale published the volume now known as Philip's Voyage, a compilation work cobbled together from a variety of reports to publicise-propagandise a government measure - the new colony at NSW. Stockdale ended in thanking Macaulay's associate, Lt. Watts, and Capt. Marshall of Scarborough, for their help in working on the volume. That is, the first mention of the Watts-Macaulay association with a First Fleet ship is contained in the first book (of an official nature) published about the European settlement of Australia. Yet information on alderman Macaulay has since been obliterated. Capt. John Marshall of the Scarborough had arrived back in London on 1 June, 1789. Within months he had been recruited by Calvert and Co. to return to Sydney with more convicts (along with the shadowy and incompetent surgeon Augustus Beyer, who later went to India as a trader).

On 1 August, 1789, Alexander Davison contacted the Lords of the Treasury having been informed that government shortly intended to transport convicts to NSW. His proposal was to convey any number of prisoners to NSW at 25 guineas per head, on a condition (which the government could not possibly hope to promise) the East India Company agreed to give a freight on the ships back from China, etc. The contract Davison wanted would continue for three years on the conditions of Britain's peace with maritime powers, and he would offer the same rations of vittlings as Richards' ships, half monies on signing, half on signing as the ships left the Thames. Government also had an offer from Richards, so decided to advertise for a lower price. ([42])

On 5 August, 1789, Campbell required 16 convicts from the gaol at Winchester by order of the secretary of state. The request was the beginning of the gathering of convict fodder for the terrible Second Fleet to NSW. Alexander Davison had already heard that government intended to mount another large embarkation and four days previously had tendered to carry the prisoners for £25 per head, on condition the East India Company agreed to give a freight back of China tea, as had been with the case with the three First Fleet ships organised by William Richards. (Davison's offers were declined.) ([43]) As to why the government dropped the services of Richards, who had initially expressed interest in a long-term involvement to NSW, Flynn has noted that the decision to accept a much lower tender for the Second Fleet from Calvert et al coincides exactly with the resignation of Lord Sydney as Home Secretary ([44]), and the appointment of 29-year-old W. W. Grenville. ([45]) Calverts as contractors were to be paid £17/17/6d for each convict embarked. A final sum would be paid when proof was delivered to London the stores had been delivered to Sydney. As Flynn points out, the contract had most stipulations - except that the convicts be landed alive and healthy.

William Richards Jnr on 23 July, 1789 had offered more ships to government for a flat fee of £30 per head, free of all or any other charges to government. Therefore, Richards does not seem to have suffered any financial shortfalls, not being fully paid by government for the First Fleet and not clear with the East India Company with the sale of those three cargoes of tea, along with organising Lady Juliana, now on the high seas.

At the time, Richards was disputing with the Navy Office about the scuttled First Fleet ship, Friendship. Treasury was tardy with paying Richards what it owed him, ([46]) but was also slow to pay Camden, Calvert and King for the Second Fleet. They were still owed £5000 in February 1792. ([47]) Most merchants desiring to carry convicts to NSW relied heavily on hopes of East India Company co-operation, and failed when the Company in rather paranoid fashion discerned some ulterior motive designed to abridge their exclusive charter. Treasury anyway felt Richards' and Davison's quotes too high: Welbank Sharp and Brown had earlier failed to impress; and so the Treasury in search of "economy" advertised for further offers of shipping.

* * *

If it were assumed that Macaulay knew of further convict embarkations being planned, it is still difficult to explain why he took no interest in an embarkations of about 1000 felons. He evidently had other concerns. According to Lloyd's Register for 1791, there sailed on 7 August, 1789, Pitt Capt. E. Manning, for China, husband G, Macaulay 775 tons, in the East India Company service. But on her return, she was destined to be sent to Botany Bay. ([48]) Macaulay's circumstances were to change. He had been associating with Gregory and Turnbull since about 1784, supplying the armed forces. Their paths were to diverge. In 1790, when Macaulay was Sheriff of London, a petition ([49]) of Messrs Turnbull Forbes and Co. of London, merchants, mentioned that they had purchased at Liverpool, 2400 barrels of American flour, which they were prevented from exporting by an Order of Council of 3 December, 1789, and praying relief. There is no mention of Macaulay. The Board's response was that there was no relief and a Bill was now being prepared.

This was just one indication of a divergence between the interests of Turnbulls and Macaulay - and it may have been that Macaulay's civic political ambitions were hampering his attention to commercial matters. Macaulay was not destined to be lord mayor, but his friend Curtis was Lord Mayor in 1795. ([50]) Curtis was just now entering parliament - and in the future there would be almost nothing said about Curtis placing his ship in the "First Fleet" with felons sent to Botany Bay. Reference to Curtis has been more preserved by historians of whaling than by the social historians of convict transportation. In his oft-quoted maiden speech to Parliament, of 1790, Curtis said he was a fisherman, and was aware that more ships were being fitted out for whaling in the Pacific. He himself had sold Pacific Whale Oil for £50 a ton, while Greenland Oil fetched about £18/19/- per ton. He was shortly to be embarking in the fur trade to dispose of the goods of (to?) China... ([51]) ([52]) ([53])

In just a few years, Britain's whaling and sealing adventures on the western American coasts were to annoy the Spanish. There were protests from London whalers about seal skin issues and an action of confiscation by the Spanish. In time, the conflict between British and Spanish interests on those coasts would become a cause celebre in Britain, although, Britain did not want to fight Spain, and Spain was largely unable to fight Britain. By the convention arrived at, British whalers in Spanish waters if offshore by five leagues - crews could land in unoccupied territory, and build temporary but not permanent huts. ([54])

The Annual Register of 1790 reported that the Lord Mayor, Aldermen and Commons of the City of London presented the King with congratulations on the signing of the Nootka convention. Alderman Curtis in his maiden speech applauded the convention and noted approvingly that more ships were preparing for the Southern Fishery than on any other occasion.

* * *

Out in the Pacific there had been the mutiny on Bounty. What were Campbell's reactions to news of the mutiny. Was his alleged prestige harmed? Did he feel humiliated before other wealthy West Indian merchants. Did Joseph Banks and Campbell feel the need to agonise over Bligh's hopes being dashed, the voyage rendered a failure? Campbell was one of the first people in London to hear of the mutiny. He did not agonise... By 19 August, 1789 at Coupang (Timor), William Bligh was writing to his wife Betsy, c/- Duncan Campbell at the Adelphi, "know then, my own dear Betsy, I have lost the Bounty." ([55])

* * *

Slave fetters for the Second Fleet:

Two questions regarding the trans-Atlantic slave trade arose in mid-1789. One is Campbell's reaction to news of the mutiny on Bounty. The other is the question: if slave fetters were used on the convicts of the Second Fleet, where did they come from? A great deal of moral outrage, and until recently, much less research, has been expended by Australian historians on the Second Fleet. It is said, cruel slave irons were used on the convicts, and the death rate was 25 per cent. The Second Fleet was as atrocious as anyone has claimed. Central to the story is the firm, William Camden, Anthony Calvert and Thomas King, who had been interested in carrying convicts to Africa from late 1784. The convict irons usually used were less abrasive than slave irons. Marines of the First Fleet had complained of a lack of convict irons. With the Second Fleet, it seems that government - Nepean, or Campbell? - again failed to provide sufficient convict irons. The Calvert firm simply used slave irons they had lying about in ships or a warehouse. In this case, the Home Office was responsible for slave irons being used on the Second Fleet convicts. But no one ever complained about a shortage of convict irons for the largest embarkation of convicts of all - the Third Fleet. It took an atrocity and an outcry for the British government to learn to supply sufficient convict irons for large embarkations!

The idea of a second large embarkation newly fired Richards' imagination. By 12 August, 1789, the Commissioners of the navy had proposals of Mr. Davis (Davison) and Mr. Richards for conveying 1000 cons to NSW and recommending a public contract. Four enclosures, etc.([56]) As Bateson reports, on 27 August, 1789, George Whitlock of Crutched Friars, after government had advertised for tenders, signed a contract for the transportation of 1005 convicts. ([57]) His fee would be £22,370/2/8d, proportionally much less than the cost of the First Fleet. Whitlock was agent or broker for Messrs Camden, Calvert and King, and so began the atrocity of the Second Fleet.

Alexander Davison had quoted £25 per head but made commercial demands which were unrealistic. Undercutting Richards' quote of £30 per head, Camden Calvert and King charged about £22/5/- per head. So for the sake of saving a mere £7/15/- or less per head on a tender, the British government by giving the contract to slavers, and not to Richards, contributed to the deaths of 25 per cent of the Second Fleet convicts.

Shelton's Contract No 2 is: Acct TS with George Whitlock in the Neptune, Scarborough and Surprize transport ships, in November, 1789. Shelton charged £601/8/6d for: Making out a list of such of the above Offenders as had been ordered to be transported to America and also of such as had been to Africa in order that the same might be annexed to an order by his Majesty in Council appointing [NSW] ... and making fair copy ... Attending the execution of an order by Mr. Baron Hotham and Mr. Justice Heath ... Instructions to prepare Assignment to the Contractor of the Convicts embarked on board the Neptune for the remainder of the terms for which they were ordered to be transported. Drawing and Ingrossing Assignment of such Convicts from Mr. Whitlock the Contractor to the Governor of NSW ... Drawing general Bonds from Contractor and Surety to transport Offenders included in the Assignment to procure testimonials of their landing and that they should not be suffered to return before the expiration of their respective Sentences. .... Attending the execution of Assignments and Bonds - Drawing Assignment to the Contractor of 44 other Convicts embarked on board the Neptune for the remainder of the Terms for which they were ordered to be transported. In consequence of alterations made in the above Bond by the Captains of the Ships when they executed the same at Portsmouth Ingrossing another Bond from the Contractor and the Captain. Making fair copy List of Convicts for His Majestys Secretary of State for the Home Dept... ([58])

On 25 August, 1789, the Navy appointed Lt. John Shapcote naval agent. Shapcote was aged about 50, and Flynn suggests he was "an ineffectual hack of questionable competence". The year previous he had worked as agent for transports at Cork, supervising troop embarkation. On 27 August he was directed by the Navy Board to oversee the fitting of the transports at Deptford, in conjunction with James Bowen, agent for transports at Deptford. The ships were also to be examined by surveyors of the East India Company, as the contractors were to be given special permission by the Company to bring home China tea. ([59]) There seem to be no other records of British slavers carrying China tea for the East India Company before 1800. The situation was quite novel.

The Second Fleet, once its prisoners were landed at Sydney, produced the oft-quoted remark from Captain Hill, "The slave trade is merciful (compared to what I have seen)" ([60]) After the horrors of his voyage, and he was an observer, not a sufferer, Hill took a long time to recover his equanimity about life and the human condition. Hill's remarks were prompted by Capt. Trail's application of slave ship conditions. It has been reported that later Trail became involved with Michael Hogan, another convict contractor to NSW, in slaving and the bribing of officials in Africa. At Cape Town, he argued with Sir George Yonge, former Secretary of War, when Yonge was stationed there ([61]) The fallout from the Second Fleet was harmful to everybody. Allegations were made to the Home Office that (1) fetters of the slave trade had been used on Surprize, (2) that death rates on the ships had been excessive (3) That Thomas King of the contracting firm had at different times murdered, by shooting, one or more of his crew members about Africa in years unstated, but had avoided the arm of the law. ([62])

* * *

Specially selected artificers:

Phillip in despatches home had asked for the services of convict superintendents and a flax-dresser who might assess the potential of the region as a source of flax for naval stores. His request had been known in London by 25 March at the very earliest. ([63]) Lord Sydney by 29 April had decided to meet the request for convict superintendents. Andrew Hamilton Hume and Phillip Divine, both Campbell employees on the hulks, were chosen, their salaries to be no more than £40 per annum, paid by the Admiralty. ([64]) Sydney having left office, it was Grenville who had answered Phillip's despatches on 19 June and 24 August, and it was Grenville advising Phillip of the employment of Hume and Divine.

Comparatively sedately, there sailed from Spithead on 12 September, 1789, HM Guardian, Lt. Riou, with 1003 tons of cargo worth £70,000 for government stores, and 25 specially-selected artificers contracted for by Richards, one of the few blocks of specially-selected transportable convicts on record. Guardian was wrecked on an iceberg at Christmas off the Cape of Good Hope. Lt. Riou displayed great courage during and after the wreck, and boats made their way to the African coast.

The Navy Office by Saturday, 8 September, advised Treasury on the early moves for taking up the convict vessels, but was unable to name any ships. Richards remained active, but disastrously unaware of the nature of his competition, Camden, Calvert and King. During October he offered to Grenville a plan he'd already had laid before Pitt and Sir Charles Middleton, and put before the Treasury on 20 October, 1788. When Henry Bradley, the overseer of the Plymouth hulks had died, Richards applied to manage those hulks, as did Campbell. ([65]) But the Plymouth contracts were taken up by Henry's brother and the executor of his will. James Grenville merely referred Richards' application to Treasury, where it was ignored.

* * *

The continually crowded gaols:

On 27 September, 1789 came more complaints of gaol overcrowding. The Marquis of Stafford (Granville Leveson-Gower, first Marquis, 1721-1803) wrote to the Home Office that Stafford Gaol remained in a decaying condition and his county urgently required the removal of a large number of convicts to prevent disease and escapes. The Secretary of State replied on 29 September that no convicts could be removed until prisoners on the hulks were embarked on a fleet to be ready within a fortnight. "This will enable us to relieve the gaols, which are extremely crowded in every part of England". ([66]) By late September 1789, the Home Office plus hulk officials had drawn up a list of more than 1000 convicts male and female to be sent from hulks and gaols to the second fleet. Some prisoners had earlier been sent for America, Africa or "beyond the seas". Those now-impossible destinations were altered by orders-in-council of early October. ([67])

* * *

After Bligh's open boat voyage:

By October 1789, Campbell had developed a habit of going into the country more frequently. In October 1789, his son Dugald wrote from Jamaica on buying more negroe ground. After his magnificent sail to Timor, Bligh at Coupang on 19 August, 1789 ([68]) wrote to his wife, Betsy, about the mutiny: "know then, my own dear Betsy, I have lost the Bounty". ([69]) In October 1789 Bligh also wrote from Timor about Fletcher Christian and the mutiny to his wife Betsy, addressed to her c/- Duncan Campbell at the Adelphi. ([70]) That original letter is now in the care of the Mitchell Library, Sydney, and was displayed during mid-1989 when the Mitchell and the National Maritime Museum in Greenwich, London, were both holding exhibitions on the bicentenary of the mutiny.

Bligh on 12 October, 1789 had written to Campbell from Batavia, giving an explicit and unadorned account of his experience of the mutiny... "the most severe treachery". A packet sailed on the 15th. Bligh sent his mail by it but hoped to reach home before his letters did. ([71]) There is no indication in Campbell's letters that he received Bligh's October letter from Batavia before Bligh set foot back in England.

On 4 October, 1789, the officials at Exeter Gaol reported a mass break-out by 26 prisoners who had stolen firearms. On 20 October, London aldermen brooded officially yet again on the urgent need to remove convicts from Newgate, and government officials including Campbell were brooding on lists of up to 1000 convicts for the Second Fleet). ([72]) On 3 October, 1789, Grenville officially informed the Admiralty of a plan of finding a whaler base in the South Atlantic and ordered a ship to be fitted as quickly as possible, so that it could sail during winter. ([73]) Rather vaguely he wrote: ([74])... "certain Islands situated in the Southern Atlantic Ocean, and comprised within Cape Horn and the Cape of Good Hope, as well as some parts of the Coast of Africa, should be examined with a view to further operations". (American whalers were then operating in waters off Africa, of course to be followed by British whalers by 1791. ([75])).

For the Pacific survey, the deckless boat Discovery, a new ship on the stocks at Randall and Brent's Yard at Rotherhithe, was chosen. On 7 December, 1789 her command was given to Henry Roberts, a veteran of Cook's second and third voyages. First Lt. was George Vancouver. But by various delays she did not leave until January-February, 1790. By that time, the Nootka Crisis had arisen and as "this was not a suitable time for a survey vessel to be prowling around the south Atlantic where there had already been incidents with Spain, the Discovery voyage was therefore suspended". ([76]) On 5 May, 1790, Pitt "reluctantly" asked Parliament for armaments to resist Spain, claiming it was unbearable that the extension of fisheries and navigation be resisted by the Spanish. Planning for its voyage was resumed after 24 July, 1790, once Britain and Spain had negotiated their positions on "the Nootka Sound crisis". ([77])

* * *

Prisoner problems persist:

On 4 October, 1789, Exeter gaol officials reported an attempted mass breakout by 26 prisoners who had sawed their irons, seized the turnkey, locked him in the cells and rushed the gaol-keeper's house, aiming to seize arms. All these convicts had been sworn to secrecy, but one had told his wife, who warned the gaoler of a possible escape, and the men were rounded up by a waiting party of dragoons. ([78]) Meanwhile, Maidstone jail had 103 convicts in April 1786; by 7 October, 1789, it had 120. The Kent magistrate, C. Wareham, contacted Nepean about the problem. The county said it had been reticent about the problem till now, "knowing Government's difficulties". ([79])

On 10 October, 1789, with a major convict embarkation soon due, the Duke of Richmond (who had a reputation as a radical) was in charge of constructing fortifications at Portsmouth. Richmond had become concerned about losing part of his skilled prisoner workforce, so he sent the Home Office a list of 280 convict names from Portsmouth, Gosport and Langston Harbour, "hoping that these men who have got into the track of our works and whose loss would be very inconvenient to us may be allowed to continue where they are most usefully employed". In a sense, Richmond's request was against the law, and so was adherence to his request. If a prisoner had been sentenced for transportation, he should have been transported, not held back to hard labour at home only because he possessed a skill. ([80]) The Duke's political influence was sufficient to ensure that all but 52 of the 280 listed convicts remained on the hulks. This was despite the fact, as Michael Flynn says, that skilled workers were desperately needed in the new colony and Governor Phillip had repeatedly asked for more. Here, the contradiction between justice and commonsense about forming a skilled colonial workforce was made worse by a lack of skilled prisoners.

* * *

The three Calverts-contracted ships formed the second wing of the so-called Second Fleet. Since they had been gathered by only one firm, they can be regarded as a force majeur in commercial terms, once their convict business had finished. The Neptune ([81]) of 809 tons with crew of 83, was built at Scarborough in Yorkshire in 1782. The Surprize was 400 tons, smallest of the three, leaky and a poor sailor. Capt. John Marshall of Scarborough had been on that same ship for the First Fleet. On Surprize was firstly Capt. Gilbert, then Capt. Donald Trail, a 44-year-old Scot from the Isle of Orkney, a former Navy master, who had earlier sailed for Camden, Calvert and King on their Recovery, as master, about Africa. ([82]) He was a skilled navigator and had served as the master of naval vessels in American and West Indian waters during the American Revolution. After 1783 he left the Navy to command private merchant ships and he ended in 1788-1789 as a master for Camden, Calvert and King. He had "a plain but sound education" and was a good trader, but also "a hard bitten sea dog with a violent temper". Long later, Trail seems to have become involved with a roving merchant involved in carrying one shipload of convicts to Australia about 1800, Michael Hogan. ([83]) Hogan when later based on the Cape of Good Hope became involved with slaving and the bribery of British officials there. As well, he clashed with Sir George Yonge, by then stationed at Cape Town. ([84])

On 15 October, 1789, the Second Fleet ships were ordered to move out of Deptford to embark soldiers and convicts. ([85]) (The next day - 16 October, 1789 - whalers addressed a memorial to Leeds, and there were other whaler memorials to government in October). ([86]) By 29 October it was apparent the three ships would not be able to hold all the stores. That day, George Rose at the Treasury wrote to Nepean, that government should advertise for a store ship to carry the extra supplies in company with the transports. Secretary of State Grenville approved, and by 19 November, less than three weeks later, Justinian, Capt. Benjamin Maitland, was passed by an inspection of Deptford. ([87]) The contractor associated with Justinian was William Hamilton, who obtained an East India Company charter for her, apparently without difficulty. Hamilton here was possibly the man who had moved into Campbell's old premises in Mincing Lane, the same William Hamilton, captain of the Blackheath Golf Club in 1788. ([88])

* * *

The odious Second Fleet captains:

On 30 October, 1789, Nepean wrote to George Rose about the hiring of Justinian saying it highlighted the experimental role of the Second Fleet regarding the establishment of the system of transportation to Australia. "With regard to the proposal of hiring the vessels on account of Government, Mr. Grenville does not see the least objection to the measure, but on the contrary he thinks it will be a means of ascertaining the actual expence incurred and be a guide to their Lordships upon any future contracts which may be made for a similar Service". ([89]) Grenville's parsimony was to lead to an atrocity.

On 11 November, 1789, Neptune Capt. Gilbert took on board four male and 27 females sent direct from Newgate. About 61 women from county gaols were embarked at the same time. Next day, 83 male convicts from Justitia hulk and 41 from Censor hulk were at Woolwich to be embarked. On 13 November, 1789, Neptune moved down river from Long Reach to Gravesend; all convicts from Newgate and hulks were aboard, guarded by a 43-strong NSW Corps contingent. There joined the ship Capt. Nicholas Nepean, 34, plus the aggressive Lt. John Macarthur, his wife Elizabeth and baby; and the surgeon's mate John Harris. The ship then went to Plymouth where she embarked 300 more felons from Dunkirk hulk, on or about 30 November. ([90])

Nicholas Nepean at 18, in December 1773, had joined HM Boyne as a seaman. His older brother, Evan, was clerk on the same vessel. Nicholas went off that ship and in December 1776 joined the marines to see action off Brest. He saw duty on various ships, then went recruiting in 1783. He then saw no service until he joined the NSW Corps as a captain in 1789. He had no previous land-army experience, and he probably owed his commission mostly to his brother Evan. ([91])

Relations between Capt. Gilbert and the army officers were to deteriorate almost immediately. John Macarthur was soon complaining about his accommodation to Nicholas Anstis (who had been chief mate on the First Fleeter Lady Penrhyn). Capt. Gilbert was furious he was not being consulted, and some "warm conversation" resulted. Gilbert flew into a passion, said there was a mountain being made out of a molehill, and that he would write to the War Office to have Macarthur put off the ship. Macarthur called Gilbert an insolent fellow and Gilbert stormed off.

On 16 November, 1789, Surprize embarked 98 convicts from hulk Stanislaus. Four days later another 16 male convicts from country gaols were embarked. She then moved round to Portsmouth and on 30 November another 130 male convicts were embarked from hulk Ceres. Four also were sent aboard from the hulk Fortunee. The same day, 15 November, 1789, a further demarcation dispute arose between ships captains and NSW Corps over jurisdiction(s) over convicts. Legally, in fact, as it turned out, the captains had the jurisdiction claimed by the men of the Corps. The dispute arose on Surprize after 98 convicts were embarked at Gravesend on 16 November. ([92]) Capt. Donald Trail meantime soon unbearably annoyed Lt. William Hill of the NSW Corps. ([93]) Ominously for convict health, on 17 November, 1789 there came to the Second Fleet a warrant to Shapcote which vaguely said, the ships' captains were to stop at ports "only ... as you shall find necessary, in which you will be guided by circumstances". ([94]) Conflict set in, slaving captains scarcely being used to dealing with disciplined army men, though legally the ships captains had adopted a correct position regarding authority over the convicts. There were protracted personality clashes. On 18 November, 1789, Lt. Hill clashed with Trail on Neptune. Hill ended threatening to "pull the Contractors by the Nose". Hill considered the convicts were under his own command, and that he would iron them as he thought fit. He wanted the keys of the hatches kept in his own possession and threatened he would take the ship from Trail if Trail opposed him. Trail wrote to Camden, Calvert and King, "You had better have this point cleared up or you must expect most serious consequences"... ([95]) Hill was braver than he knew in threatening the contractors. Camden, Calvert and King seem to have been regarded as powerful men with an influence on Nepean and easy access to him. Campbell did not frighten easily, yet when he differed with Camden, Calvert and King about the delivery of convicts to the Third Fleet, he was quite concerned to be kept out of "a scrape".

On 21 November, 1789, Lt. Hill was staying at the New Exchange Coffee House on the Strand. He complained to the Home Office about Trail, about the wretched ship accommodation, and poor food. Never had a transport left a British port in such a situation, he claimed, adding, it was difficult to guard the convicts in co-operation with Trail's ideas. Hill also said that there was a rumour that the contractors planned to make the voyage without any stops. This did not actually happen, but Hill almost prophesied when he suggested that if the contractors were such to disobey orders about stopping, they were hardly going to worry about convicts' health. ([96]) The contractors, meanwhile, tried quickly to neutralize Hill and wrote to the Navy Board complaining of his conduct, asking Hill be removed from Surprize. ([97])

By 21 November, 1789, Will Lumby, Master at Lincoln Jail was contacting Sir Joseph Banks about the removal of transportees, and he was writing again on the same matter a year later. ([98]) This is an odd matter: Banks had nothing to do with transportation. It may have been that Banks, being from the area, had some squirely interest in certain locally-produced convicts, but otherwise, Lumby's letters are a mystery. Campbell meanwhile kept few surviving records of the huge Second Fleet embarkation, which in the document-handling sense appears to have been smooth. No problems appeared as they had done with the First Fleet, Campbell had no grumbles, and Shelton at the Old Bailey duly produced proper contracts, as he had not done for the First Fleet. Campbell duly produced his post-embarkation report.

Campbell Letter 187:

Adelphi 21 Nov 1789

S Bernard Esq

In obedience to the Commands from W. Grenville which you was pleased to signify to me .... I have made an exact calculation of the Convicts delivered, & to be delivered for Transportation from the several Hulks under my charge - which are as follows

Delivered

From the Justitia at Woolwich 84

The Censor at do 41

The Stanislaus at do 98

------

in all 223

Already received from Newgate 100

------

123 for this number

and for 4 more which I expect will be discharged in a very short time there is immediate room in the Vessels at Woolwich

To be delivered

From the Fortunee Hulk Langstone Harbour 53

The Ceres 136

The Lion at Portsmouth 122

----

311 as soon

as these or any part are delivered, there will be immediate room for the like numbers in the respective Ships -

With very great Respect

I am

N.B. the 16 People from the County Gaols are put on board the Surprize, but as these were supernumaries & only put on board the Hulks for a temporary accomodation no room arises from this delivery ([99])

* * *

John Macarthur duels with Captain Gilbert:

On 23 November, 1789 the Navy Board wrote to Treasury with copies of various complaints and suggested Lt. Hill be told not to interfere with the contract. Surprize later sailed with Trail triumphant and Hill frustrated. ([100]) On 27 November, 1789, Neptune still with Capt. Gilbert anchored at Plymouth. Lt. John Macarthur then publicly rebuked Gilbert for his conduct, and called him a scoundrel. Gilbert wanted to see Macarthur on shore. They arranged to meet at the Fountain Tavern at 4 o'clock, and had a pistol duel at the Old Gun Wharf. Only two shots were fired, the only damage was a hole in Gilbert's greatcoat. The incident was reported in provincial and London newspapers, The Morning Post, 2 December, and Maidstone Journal and Kentish Advertiser, 9 December.

On 28 November, 1789 was the probable embarkation of 300 Plymouth convicts. Capt. Nicholas Nepean decided to take power over the convicts as he thought Capt. Gilbert had usurped too much power. Like Trail, Gilbert reacted like an angry bull to directions from an army officer. ([101]) Nepean said his commanding officer, Major Francis Grose, had ordered him to take full charge of the convicts, claiming the marines in the First Fleet had done the same. Dispute followed. Nepean waited until Gilbert was ashore and asked the mate, Nicholas Anstis, for the keys to the male and female compartments. Anstis (who must have had useful experience from his voyage with the First Fleet) co-operated. Nepean then gave the keys to Macarthur's care and nonchalantly went to his family home at Saltash for two days. Gilbert demanded the keys from Macarthur and Macarthur refused him. Later, Gilbert demanded from Nepean an explanation of why Macarthur was commanding the ship's keys?

By 29 November, Scarborough had embarked 81 male convicts sent direct from Newgate to Deptford, before sailing for Portsmouth. On 29 November, 120 male convicts embarked from the hulk Lion and another 51 came from the hulk Fortunee. On 30 November, Gilbert confronted Nepean on shore and argued about control of the keys and convict movements as part of running the ship. Gilbert had written to London for confirmation of his position, and later had changed locks. Nepean shortly demanded the new keys from Anstis, who only gave them over with a written order from Nepean.

When the convicts were embarked on Neptune, many brought chests or bags of personal property. As boarding continued at Stokes Bay, Portsmouth. Lt. Shapcote ordered a search of convicts' quarters, and between 70-100 knives were confiscated, along with tin pots and chests with iron hinges and clasps which could have been made into knives. Many such boxes and personal effects were thrown overboard, the fear of infection from gaol fever being the reason given. According to a statement of 1792 defending Trail, it was Shapcote who ordered the gear thrown overboard, but Neptune seamen later lodging statements in late 1791, alleging brutality on Trail's part, claimed it was he who'd ordered the property jettisoned. Also, four convicts on one ship had died and their bodies had been merely thrown overboard with insufficient weights attached.

Campbell only had small administrative duties left.

Campbell Letter 187a:

[This letter written by James Boyick]

London 17 Dec 1789

Capt Rt Burn

Portsmouth -

The Neptune having been some days at Portsmouth, Mr Campbell wishes to know in course of post what steps you have taken to obtain William Mason & Patrick Connor from on board that ship. John Langley from the Censor, who is likewise in the Neptune, is to be received by you or your Brother, unless he prefers going to Botany Bay

I am ([102])

On 1 December, 1789, Nicholas Nepean pulled rank and wrote to his brother Evan, to get Gilbert off the ship, listing his complaints about the situation. ([103]) Gilbert stayed on land considering his position until 2 December. When he came back on ship, Gilbert began drinking and amazing scenes unfolded. When Nepean arrived back on board, he thought he had a mutiny - by a ships captain! So on 2 December he wrote again to his brother Evan. Over 2-3 December, both Gilbert and Nepean were off the ship and looking for support. Gilbert at 1am called on Sir Richard Bickerton, Plymouth Port Admiral, who ordered an investigation. Nepean called on John Campbell of The Citadel, Plymouth, who was, or had been, a Lt-Gov, asking for advice. ([104]) Gilbert it seems realised it was unwise to antagonise a man with so powerful a brother as Evan, and on 5 December he wrote to Evan Nepean an ingratiating letter.

On 4 December, Middleton was concerned with Shapcote that the situation be explained minutely, and noted that he had been told that the convicts had been ironed in such a manner as "to tend to their destruction", an accurate prediction. Middleton suggested that Shapcote talk to King, the contractors' representative, on the matter. Shapcote replied obsequiously to Middleton on 6 December.

On 5 December, Capt. Gilbert wrote to Evan Nepean. ([105]) At some point, Evan Nepean consulted with Middleton of the Navy. Middleton thought the ship's captain had authority, the Corps' men had better keep the jail birds in order instead of setting them an example of mutiny. and then he wrote privately to the naval agent, Shapcote, who was waiting for Neptune at Portsmouth. Nepean wanted Shapcote to talk it over with both Gilbert and Nicholas, and wanted Shapcote to discuss it with the contractor's representative, King, "a sensible, discreet man".

On 6 December, 1789, Anthony Calvert wrote privately to Evan Nepean about the dispute, an uncommonly, breezily, confident letter, in which he casually discussed both Gilbert and Evan's brother Nicholas, and criticised both. ([106]) From where did Calvert find his confidence, to approach the under-secretary of the Home Office so casually? Presumably Calvert, who was regularly on and off the board of the Africa Company, and an Elder Brother of Trinity House, was highly connected. He was also probably sure of his ground legally - the captain of a convict transport had final authority over the confinement of the convicts.

On 10 December, 1789, as Neptune sailed from Plymouth Sound for Portsmouth, the London bureaucrats and merchants were deciding how to react to the antics of their employees. On 1 December, 1791, some seamen made allegations about Trail's brutality on Neptune. ([107]) On 13 December, 1789, Neptune anchored at Stokes Bay, near Portsmouth. Dispute continued, and Gilbert was removed as captain. Capt. Trail of Surprize took his place and Anstis took command of Surprize. John Macarthur's wife Elizabeth commented unhappily on Gilbert's "black character".

The Second Fleet ships gather:

That same day, 15 December,