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Digesting the news from NSW: Observations after the Bounty mutiny: Shipping matters in London: A further attempt to recover American debts: The formation of the NSW Corps: The year 1789 - Part 2: Reports on the Nootka Convention: Slave fetters for the Second Fleet: Specially selected artificers: The continually crowded gaols: After Bligh's open boat voyage: Prisoner problems persist: The odious Second Fleet captains: John Macarthur duels with Captain Gilbert: The Second Fleet ships gather: Unknown activities of the London slavers: The year 1790: The Botany Bay debate revisited: Duncan Campbell hears of the mutiny on HMAV Bounty: Campbell's reaction to Bligh's return: The whalers and the Third Fleet: Irish remarks on the resumption of transportation: London contractors associated with NSW: Endnotes: (1) On Martinez and Spanish fury at Nootka: (2) After the Second Fleet in London: reasons for the spoiling of maritime history:


The Blackheath Connection

Chapter 39


Digesting the news from NSW:


In April 1789 the South whalers petitioned for further extensions of latitude about Cape Horn, and to be relieved of the expense of taking licences from the South Sea Company, but were told this was not convenient at present. ([1]) Simultaneously, in April 1789, Spanish frigates caught two British whalers repairing their vessels at Puerto Deseado on the Patagonian coast, the Sappho and Elizabeth and Margaret. The whalers were warned off and told the public seas in the area were exclusively Spanish territory. Later, Grenville assessed the matter of a Southern Atlantic whaler base and dredged up reports from the 1782-1783 voyage of Swallow. By November 1799, news in London was that "French privateers were preying on any British whaleships they could find, and ... the Spanish had seized fifteen whaleships off South America." ([2]) There arose partly due to Grenville a basis for a new expedition to the South Atlantic. Advice on such a survey was received from Capt. Blankett in June, 1789 and by 27 August, 1789, Nepean and Joseph Banks were discussing the scale and scope of such a voyage. ([3])

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About 8 May, 1789, Richards responded to Rose at the Treasury, in part suggesting that limestone be sent to NSW to be used as fertiliser, a vessel of 30 tons being used, and sending out essence of Wort. It can be thought from the document that the idea to ship limestone was Richards', but he evidently got the notion from Governor Phillip's writings, or a letter from his agent Clark at NSW. But given that a merchant in London was willing to consider shipping fertiliser to NSW, and that government would not support his ideas, is yet another indication that government wanted to spend as little as possible on a colony destined to remain underfunded. ([4])


Earlier, William Richards on 19 April had contacted Nepean about the condition of the "poor wretches" on Lady Juliana. The ship, lying at Portsmouth, had to wait till 24 April for orders to sail. ([5]) Expressing interest in "Botany Bay news" was Sir John Call, the banker with Pybus and an associate of Sir George Young who had been interested in James Matra's proposals of 1783 and 1784. ([6]) Call's topic, just as Botany Bay ships were returning, appeared to be convicts. Campbell's reply was opaque, mysterious, but presumably Call knew of Campbell's connections with the Bounty project. (John Call, a major creditor of the Nabob of Arcot, had also helped initiate the Indian-North American fur sealing route, and had suggested convicts go to NSW or New Zealand. Call's fur project did come to pass, he had no links with shipping; and he must be termed strictly an armchair colonist. ([7])


Campbell Letter 184:

Rbt St Adelphi 20 Apl 1789

John Call Esq.

I wrote this note in case I should not have the honour to find you at home when I call this morning, to inclose to you the answer received from my Deputy at Woolwich, which after perusal I pray you to return at your leisure. I shall prosecute the enquiry to effect if possible and I shall be happy if in the event you or any other Gentleman can be benefited thereby. With very great Respect I have the honor to be

Sir ([8])< /p>


Call had political links with Pitt and Shelburne. After 1771 he was high sheriff of Cornwall and he lived the life of a country gentleman interested in politics - a well-meaning dilettante. In 1782, Shelburne appointed Call a commissioner to inquire into the state of the Crown Lands and Forests, paying particular attention to timber for naval vessels. Sir Charles Middleton was a fellow commissioner on this important matter, in 1782, when Call was re-appointed, since the inquiry continued as the national outlook for naval timber was so bleak. Call in 1784 became a member of the banking firm Pybus and Company, and member for Callington. The inquiry Call helped conduct into crown forests and lands was delivered in numerous volumes by Call to Sir Joseph Banks, since Call felt Banks would be more likely than anyone else to hold and conserve the information discovered. Call was associated in 1785 with Sir George Young when Young had delivered to the directors of the East India Company a proposal for the settlement of Norfolk Island. Even though the island was technically under the jurisdiction of the Company due to its charter, the Company was not interested. The Company men sought the opinion of their company hydrographer, Alexander Dalrymple, who derided the idea in a letter to the company dated 13 July, 1785. Dalrymple was probably right - Norfolk Island had no useful harbour. (But even so, as it turned out, with that deficit it was still visited by a remarkable number of commercial ships before and after 1800 - many of them whalers). After this rebuff, Call lost his interest in the Pacific. He was created a baronet in 1791 and died in 1801.


It is not known if John Call had anything serious in mind with the above query to Campbell. Sir Archibald Campbell, ([9]) late the governor of Jamaica, had recently been posted as the governor of Madras. In Madras, one of Campbell's first tasks was to deal with the Nabob's great debts, and his treaty with the Nabob made some alleviation of the "great, immediate" debt problem, but he later received abuse for the treaty he made. Call has received attention from Australian historians interested in the "naval stores" argument, a variant of "the Botany Bay debate".


Observations after the Bounty mutiny:


Before the Bounty mutiny of 28 April, 1789,... Gavin Kennedy believes Christian was semi-suicidal, which seems correct. ([10]) Given that his wife was Manx, Bligh once said an odd thing to her about the mutiny - that he rued the day he ever laid eyes on a Manxman. It may have been that there were more unruly Manx emotions associated with the mutiny than history has decided. Fletcher Christian was not the only Manxman aboard Bounty. Bligh's father-in-law, Richard Betham, as receiver-general on the Isle of Man since 1765 ([11]) had changed the economy of that island, but remarkably, little has been written on his efforts to suppress smuggling there. Kennedy's version of the Bounty mutiny is the most convincing to date, but I would add to the ingredients of the pre-mutiny emotional powder keg a good many Manx-based resentments that Bligh had unwittingly, or stupidly, allowed to be stirred.


The Manx, home-based associations of some of the younger mutineers may have collectively become knitted with recent Manx history. Until Christian, possibly goaded earlier by Fryer, had his night of personal torment and then undertaken such a mad, hopeless mutiny, to Bligh's humiliation. The Manx background to much of the crewing was never disseminated as a material fact at the Courts Martial. The same Manx background, or, behind-the-scenes scheming, was advanced in the campaign to save the mutineers. Sir Thomas Pasley assisted his nephew Heywood and Fletcher's brother, Edward Christian, attacked Bligh.


Glynn Christian feels perhaps that as some of the mutineers were volunteers, they lacked discipline. There may have been matters on Christian's mind at the time of the mutiny that Bligh knew about, and never till he died dared to mention in public? Bligh's gloss on how the ship was crewed might imply it. If the crew of Bounty had been psychologically bloated by indulgence sexual and otherwise on Tahiti, the requirement to get back to duty might have been galling. Bligh, seemingly attempting to unjustly dominate and insult Christian, seems to have become a catalyst all the mutineers wished to remove. Such theories are strictly ship-based only. They do seem partly at least to explain why a mutiny occurred.


Once the Manx-based, personal and family linkages and affiliations, (of Bligh and some of the mutineers) are gathered, it can be appreciated just how much was really put at stake, psychologically and interpersonally, on the 90-foot vessel as Bligh was confronted, later to be put into the tiny boat that was to become the vehicle for his magnificent feat of seamanship in getting to Coupang. Many of the more enigmatic personal remarks take on new flavour. Perhaps the Manxmen felt bitter, and knowing Bligh's family connections, irrationally saw Bligh much as the cause for any reason they had for even being on Bounty, their being resentful about career prospects - and perhaps Bligh lorded it over them in such a context by his conversation or attitude? The fact that some of these men knew each other's families quite intimately could have intensified points of conflict? The vessel had not been manned as a naval vessel usually was, and Bligh's defence of himself after the mutiny blurred this very point skilfully. One wonders who advised Bligh on his defence tactics in London?


Some of the appointments to Bounty can be seen as ways for Richard Betham to placate some of the difficulties which he had seen arise on the Isle of Man since he had reorganised its smuggling-orientated economy. The Manx were resentful of the British occupation, and it may now be impossible to tell, concerning the mutiny, how much of that sort of subtle, and economic, Manx resentment had spilled over into a mutiny after a stay on the idyllic Tahiti. No writers on the mutiny can have speculated in such a fashion, since none have known of the full range of the Manx associations existing, nor researched Bligh's father-in-law.


* * *


Shipping matters in London:


On 29 April, 1789, Lady Juliana, then at Galleons Reach, was ordered down to Long Reach, where 27 more Newgate women were embarked on 7 May. ([12]) The Glocester Journal on 4 May, 1789, ([13]) printed a report that a ship Talbot had heard of a ship to Botany Bay, (which could only have been Lady Penrhyn) which had been intending to sail from there (Botany Bay) for the fur trade of North-West America. But, she had sprung a leak and proceeded to Tahiti, where she found her bottom too bad and unfit to combat ice. So she had sailed for China, where she met Talbot. This newspaper report is consistent with other examples of Macaulay publicising his projects. But the news from the Talbot appears to be the sole evidence indicating that any report had been cast that Macaulay had used a First Fleet ship in his search for North American fur. (In May 1789, a Spanish battleship arrived at Nootka with orders to clear out the British. At least two British vessels were taken and crews imprisoned.) ([14])


Meanwhile the First Fleet's Alexander Capt. Duncan Sinclair arrived at the Isle of Wight on 28 April, 1789, carrying Phillip's declaration of the landing of convicts and Lt. John Shortland, the First Fleet naval agent. By 20 May, secretary of war Sir George Yonge had inspected Phillip's observations on the unhappiness of the marines with their tour of duty, and considered raising a corps of infantry for special service in NSW. Government by June had decided to send more vessels to NSW. Arrangements for the provision of goods were made with Alexander Davison, a merchant of Harpur-street, City, rendered by him on 1 June. ([15]) Davison supplied milling apparatus, specie, medicines and stores.


Surprisingly, on 24 May, 1789, Messrs Welbank, Sharp and Brown (WSB), the firm which had tendered two ships for the breadfruit voyage in May 1787, mentioned to Honble Sirs a tender for a carriage of convicts to "South Wales", but they were especially concerned for insurance reasons about the provision of a guard for the prisoners. ([16]) Their offer was not accepted. But since Welbank, Sharp and Brown were flax merchants, it is odd their situation as intending convict contractors in 1789, and actual convict contractors by 1801, has not been discussed as part of the "naval stores argument" in the Botany Bay debate. Britain entertained a long-standing fantasy about cultivating flax at NSW, as part of its hope to obtain naval stores more cheaply. (By 1824, a London Russia merchant, Timothy Abraham Curtis, the son of Sir William Curtis, was to be vainly interested in growing flax in NSW). ([17]) And yet another outstanding mystery here in 1789 is how Duncan Campbell became mixed up in "the flax fantasy". Here matters suggest that Campbell was indeed acquainted in the longer term with Sir Joseph Banks...


Campbell knew that Governor Phillip wanted flax dressers at NSW. Campbell always kept a mental note on any skills possessed by acquaintances. On the hulks he had a convict superintendent, Hume, who became a "flax dresser". It is intriguing to ask - how did such an agricultural matter come to the attention of the hulks overseer. Campbell moved in circles where a good deal of information about the Pacific was discussed, including botanical information about breadfruit and flax! There is no normal or official (Home Office or Colonial Office) channel of communication one would imagine being used, resulting in Campbell becoming aware of a botanical matter, a need for flax dressers in the new colony.


Andrew Hamilton Hume for most of his life was a fractious man, and one suspects he was a brutal guard on the hulks. In the Sydney colony he was apprehended for sexual abuse of a female child, and was often in the courts, although he died "respectable", associated with the Presbyterian Church. ([18]) Hume was born in 1762 at Hillsborough, County Down, Ireland; his birthplace seems to have been his prime qualification as a flax dresser, as he had no luck with flax in NSW. The eldest son of a Presbyterian minister, he entered the army. At Greenwich in 1786 he was cashiered after duelling with a superior officer. Hume then went to either Campbell or Erskine concerning a position on the hulks, where he was taken on as a convict superintendent. When it became known in government circles in communication with Governor Phillip that the colony could use a flax-dresser, somehow or other, Campbell became aware that Hume was a "flax-dresser".


Gumtree: English artists took many years to learn how to paint this "unconventional-looking" Australian tree.

Hume when he got to NSW did not distinguish himself as a flax dresser, the regional plants were useless for large scale production and nor did the transplantation of flax prove successful. So it is that Hume as an element in "the naval stores" argument was drawn straight from the hulks establishment, probably by the agency of Campbell. But how Campbell found out the new colony's need for a flax dresser? It could even have been at an ordinary staff briefing to which Evan Nepean had sent a message.


* * *


A further attempt to recover American debts:


James Russell, former tobacco merchant to Virginia and Maryland, died on 1 August, 1788, at his house in Queen Street, Westminster, aged 80, leaving his personal affairs in confusion. ([19]) It is probable Campbell heard of the decease with a pang, for in May 1789 he began to dwell again on his American debts. So apart from his involvement with the British Creditors, he asked Frank Mackett, the son of an old friend, John, to visit North America to see Matthew Ridley and others. Campbell then wrote his former American agents of this forthcoming visit. ([20]) Mackett was to see Austin Brockenbrough at Leeds Town, Virginia, and Russell of Baltimore, Maryland. And Campbell's old attorney in Maryland, Matthew Ridley. But nothing came of Mackett's visit, because he caught fever at Gravesend and died. Campbell then gave up in despair. ([21]) According to the American historian, Jacob Price, ([22]) Campbell, a Carolina Merchant John Nutt and the London tobacco merchant William Molleson, partner with the now-deceased James Russell, were active by 1790 in attempting to recover American debts. Unfortunately, Price gives no appraisal of the state of the Russell or Ridley camps in Maryland around 1789, as young Mackett might have met situations there - except that the situation was a bureaucratic nightmare, and that any developments would have been very slow.


After Mackett's departure, Campbell as British Creditor activist set about re-contacting his merchant friends. Just what had set him off is difficult to say. By 1 July, 1789 he was trying to arrange meetings with prime minister Pitt. On 1 July he wrote to John Rose in Virginia a heartfelt missive about his losses, to try to sound out American reaction. The subject engrossed Campbell the rest of the year, and he downplayed his Jamaican engagements for the interim. Then he became caught up in embarkations for the Second Fleet to Australia. There had also been another death for Campbell to consider. By 31 May, 1789, H. Cosnahan [on the Isle of man] had applied to G. Farquhar for the post of Betham "who has now died". Witnesses to Betham's will were Messrs Robert Heywood, Telly, Barber. ([23]) About the time of the mutiny on the Bounty, then Bligh's father-in-law Betham had a Heywood signature on his will, whilst Peter Heywood was acting as a mutineer against Bligh. By the time Bligh returned from the mutiny to London, Campbell was attempting to help Betham's children execute their father's will.


Later, the British Creditors met on 10 February, 1790 and decided to ask to meet with Pitt. Campbell contacted Pitt's assistant, Smith, on 18 February, 1790. (Then Campbell's brother Neil died, on 23 February). The Creditors met with Grenville after 27 February, 1790, then met with Pitt early in March. Pitt shrewdly (and in fact echoing Jefferson's attitude in 1786) desired the American states in question to be distinguished from one another: it was a matter of federated versus individual states' rights. That was that. The Creditors met again on 20 March, 1790 (for Campbell, just as Bligh got back to London from his debacle on Bounty). But they never again had the same force. Pitt remained unhelpful. Campbell himself continued to fantasize about recovering his American debts into the late 1790s. Such matters were to be pursued, unsuccessfully, into the 1790s. ([24]) Campbell dreamed (vainly ) of recovering his American debts into the late 1790s.


(By October, 1789 Campbell was going into the country more frequently, supervising work after his recent purchases of more farmland stretching south east down into Kent).


* * *


In May, 1789 the Carlisle jailer sought the help of the Secretary of State in having convicts removed, but failed, so he sought the assistance of Lowther, MP for Cumberland. ([25]) By 8 September, 1789, the new secretary of state, Grenville, replied to Sir William Lowther, who had written about convict transportation. Grenville replied, all counties were similarly inconvenienced, and that no more transportees could be sent to the hulks, as they are already so crowded, any more would certainly produce infectious diseases amongst them. Mackay suggests, "It is apparent that these distant areas had been to some extent sold short". ([26]) That deficiency was to be made up the Second and Third fleets. The next convict transport was HM Guardian.


The formation of the NSW Corps:


On 20 May, 1789, Sir George Yonge wrote to Treasury announcing the King's consent for the formation of the new NSW Corps, also known as the Botany Bay Rangers. ([27]) In the domain of Thomas Shelton, the contract for HM Guardian became his first contract - the earlier ones are still missing. William Richards contracted for the 20 male "specially selected artificers" sent on HM Guardian, Capt. (Lt.) Riou RN. She carried 1003 tons of stores worth 70,000, only to be wrecked at Christmas on an iceberg off the Cape of Good Hope. Also aboard were "flax dresser" Alexander Hamilton Hume; and Rev. Richard Crowther, who arrived back to England after the wreck as quickly as possible to appear at a friend's door "like a ghost", declaring he was lucky to be alive and "not meant" for New South Wales. ([28])


On 4 June, 1789, Lady Juliana finally sailed for Spithead near Portsmouth, where five women just reprieved from death sentences at the Old Bailey were sent for embarkation on 12 June. ([29]) On 8 June, 1789 the War Minister ordered Major Francis Grose to take command of the NSW Corps and by September about 300 men had been recruited "by beat of drum". ([30]) On 20 June, 1789, Evan Nepean at the Home Office advised Governor Phillip that "in the course of the autumn I expect that about 1000 more Convicts of both sexes will be embarked from the several gaols and despatched to Port Jackson". ([31])


Campbell just then was again pressing the claims of merchants disturbed about their American debts. ([32]) He was also writing to William Miles at Bristol about Brissett's sugar (from Jamaica), on 15 July, 1789. One William Ball on 1 April owed Campbell 818/7/9d, as Campbell calculated during a great burst of debt-collecting letters, which included letters to the executors of several estates. Campbell on 25 June, 1789 wrote to William Fitzhugh, London, Virginia - Fitzhugh owed 379/2/-. In America the debt collector Campbell employed was John Rose, who delivered very little satisfaction indeed. ([33])


Campbell Letter 185:

Adelphi June 25, 1789

.... & is desired by the Committee of Merchants Trading to America previous to the year 1776 to request that Mr Smith will have the goodness to take Mr. Pitt's pleasure whether and when he will be pleased to grant an audience to the Committee. Mr Smith's giving a day or two notice of Mr. Pitt's intentions will be esteemed as a particular favour.

Mr Campbell presents his respectful Compts to Mr. Smith ([34])< /p>


The year 1789 - part 2:


The series of Shelton's Contracts for convict transportation begins not with the First Fleet contract, as might be expected, nor with Lady Juliana, but with the contract for HM Guardian, Lt. Riou, dated 20 July, 1789. ([35]) Guardian left on 12 September, 1789, to be wrecked off South Africa. Aboard her were 25 specially selected artisans, ([36]) and 1003 tons of cargo.


On 6 July, 1789 was written a letter from the secretary of state at the Home Office to the Lords Commissioners of the Treasury, about another 1000 convicts to be sent to NSW "with the least expence to the Public". The note remained, of urgency about overcrowded gaols and a desire to save money. So began the Second Fleet. Its name is a misnomer, as it actually sailed in two sections. ([37])


Not surprisingly, W. W. (William Wyndham, 1759-1834) Grenville, first Baron Grenville, also contacted (his own brother) George, Lord Buckingham in Ireland (first Marquis of Buckingham), about 9-11 July, 1789, on the riddance of Irish convicts. On 10 July, 1789, a quick response to the 6th July, arose a detailed document listing stores to be sent with the Second Fleet, including farm implements, tools, medicines, clothing, books and food. ([38])


From Plymouth, Lady Juliana 401 tons Capt. Aikin finally sailed for NSW on July 29, 1789, with about 90 women ([39]) from various county gaols. Ship's surgeon was Richard Alley (later on Royal Admiral 1 owned by the Larkins family of Blackheath) who did little to discipline the female convicts. Richards had already hired her as a transport for seven months or more. Aboard as Navy agent was Lt. Thomas Edgar, the surgeon was Richard Alley. She was chartered by the East India Company for her return voyage providing she arrived at Canton before 15 January, 1791, and was in fit state to receive a cargo of tea. Her voyage was so slow it later drew the wrath of London officials, and after the wreck of Guardian at Table Bay, much of her stores and the five convict superintendents on Guardian went onto Lady Juliana, along with some of Guardian's sheep. She was at Teneriffe on 21 September, 1789, at Rio for 41 days between 26 November, 1789 and 10 January, 1790, the Cape of Good Hope for nineteen days, 1-19 March, 1790. ([40])


Campbell Letter 186:

Adelphi 22 July 1789

Lieut Col A Murray

I have this moment received your letter informing me that Mrs Semples friends are interesting themselves to obtain permission for her husband to banish himself for life, & wishing me to inform you, how he has behaved since his Confinement in the Hulks. In answer to which I have only to say, that my officers report him to have behaved very orderly. ([41])< /p>


Reports on the Nootka Convention:


During 1789, the London publisher John Stockdale published the volume now known as Philip's Voyage, a compilation work cobbled together from a variety of reports to publicise-propagandise a government measure - the new colony at NSW. Stockdale ended in thanking Macaulay's associate, Lt. Watts, and Capt. Marshall of Scarborough, for their help in working on the volume. That is, the first mention of the Watts-Macaulay association with a First Fleet ship is contained in the first book (of an official nature) published about the European settlement of Australia. Yet information on alderman Macaulay has since been obliterated. Capt. John Marshall of the Scarborough had arrived back in London on 1 June, 1789. Within months he had been recruited by Calvert and Co. to return to Sydney with more convicts (along with the shadowy and incompetent surgeon Augustus Beyer, who later went to India as a trader).


On 1 August, 1789, Alexander Davison contacted the Lords of the Treasury having been informed that government shortly intended to transport convicts to NSW. His proposal was to convey any number of prisoners to NSW at 25 guineas per head, on a condition (which the government could not possibly hope to promise) the East India Company agreed to give a freight on the ships back from China, etc. The contract Davison wanted would continue for three years on the conditions of Britain's peace with maritime powers, and he would offer the same rations of vittlings as Richards' ships, half monies on signing, half on signing as the ships left the Thames. Government also had an offer from Richards, so decided to advertise for a lower price. ([42])


On 5 August, 1789, Campbell required 16 convicts from the gaol at Winchester by order of the secretary of state. The request was the beginning of the gathering of convict fodder for the terrible Second Fleet to NSW. Alexander Davison had already heard that government intended to mount another large embarkation and four days previously had tendered to carry the prisoners for 25 per head, on condition the East India Company agreed to give a freight back of China tea, as had been with the case with the three First Fleet ships organised by William Richards. (Davison's offers were declined.) ([43]) As to why the government dropped the services of Richards, who had initially expressed interest in a long-term involvement to NSW, Flynn has noted that the decision to accept a much lower tender for the Second Fleet from Calvert et al coincides exactly with the resignation of Lord Sydney as Home Secretary ([44]), and the appointment of 29-year-old W. W. Grenville. ([45]) Calverts as contractors were to be paid 17/17/6d for each convict embarked. A final sum would be paid when proof was delivered to London the stores had been delivered to Sydney. As Flynn points out, the contract had most stipulations - except that the convicts be landed alive and healthy.


William Richards Jnr on 23 July, 1789 had offered more ships to government for a flat fee of 30 per head, free of all or any other charges to government. Therefore, Richards does not seem to have suffered any financial shortfalls, not being fully paid by government for the First Fleet and not clear with the East India Company with the sale of those three cargoes of tea, along with organising Lady Juliana, now on the high seas.


At the time, Richards was disputing with the Navy Office about the scuttled First Fleet ship, Friendship. Treasury was tardy with paying Richards what it owed him, ([46]) but was also slow to pay Camden, Calvert and King for the Second Fleet. They were still owed 5000 in February 1792. ([47]) Most merchants desiring to carry convicts to NSW relied heavily on hopes of East India Company co-operation, and failed when the Company in rather paranoid fashion discerned some ulterior motive designed to abridge their exclusive charter. Treasury anyway felt Richards' and Davison's quotes too high: Welbank Sharp and Brown had earlier failed to impress; and so the Treasury in search of "economy" advertised for further offers of shipping.


* * *


If it were assumed that Macaulay knew of further convict embarkations being planned, it is still difficult to explain why he took no interest in an embarkations of about 1000 felons. He evidently had other concerns. According to Lloyd's Register for 1791, there sailed on 7 August, 1789, Pitt Capt. E. Manning, for China, husband G, Macaulay 775 tons, in the East India Company service. But on her return, she was destined to be sent to Botany Bay. ([48]) Macaulay's circumstances were to change. He had been associating with Gregory and Turnbull since about 1784, supplying the armed forces. Their paths were to diverge. In 1790, when Macaulay was Sheriff of London, a petition ([49]) of Messrs Turnbull Forbes and Co. of London, merchants, mentioned that they had purchased at Liverpool, 2400 barrels of American flour, which they were prevented from exporting by an Order of Council of 3 December, 1789, and praying relief. There is no mention of Macaulay. The Board's response was that there was no relief and a Bill was now being prepared.


This was just one indication of a divergence between the interests of Turnbulls and Macaulay - and it may have been that Macaulay's civic political ambitions were hampering his attention to commercial matters. Macaulay was not destined to be lord mayor, but his friend Curtis was Lord Mayor in 1795. ([50]) Curtis was just now entering parliament - and in the future there would be almost nothing said about Curtis placing his ship in the "First Fleet" with felons sent to Botany Bay. Reference to Curtis has been more preserved by historians of whaling than by the social historians of convict transportation. In his oft-quoted maiden speech to Parliament, of 1790, Curtis said he was a fisherman, and was aware that more ships were being fitted out for whaling in the Pacific. He himself had sold Pacific Whale Oil for 50 a ton, while Greenland Oil fetched about 18/19/- per ton. He was shortly to be embarking in the fur trade to dispose of the goods of (to?) China... ([51]) ([52]) ([53])


In just a few years, Britain's whaling and sealing adventures on the western American coasts were to annoy the Spanish. There were protests from London whalers about seal skin issues and an action of confiscation by the Spanish. In time, the conflict between British and Spanish interests on those coasts would become a cause celebre in Britain, although, Britain did not want to fight Spain, and Spain was largely unable to fight Britain. By the convention arrived at, British whalers in Spanish waters if offshore by five leagues - crews could land in unoccupied territory, and build temporary but not permanent huts. ([54])


The Annual Register of 1790 reported that the Lord Mayor, Aldermen and Commons of the City of London presented the King with congratulations on the signing of the Nootka convention. Alderman Curtis in his maiden speech applauded the convention and noted approvingly that more ships were preparing for the Southern Fishery than on any other occasion.


* * *


Out in the Pacific there had been the mutiny on Bounty. What were Campbell's reactions to news of the mutiny. Was his alleged prestige harmed? Did he feel humiliated before other wealthy West Indian merchants. Did Joseph Banks and Campbell feel the need to agonise over Bligh's hopes being dashed, the voyage rendered a failure? Campbell was one of the first people in London to hear of the mutiny. He did not agonise... By 19 August, 1789 at Coupang (Timor), William Bligh was writing to his wife Betsy, c/- Duncan Campbell at the Adelphi, "know then, my own dear Betsy, I have lost the Bounty." ([55])


* * *


Slave fetters for the Second Fleet:


Two questions regarding the trans-Atlantic slave trade arose in mid-1789. One is Campbell's reaction to news of the mutiny on Bounty. The other is the question: if slave fetters were used on the convicts of the Second Fleet, where did they come from? A great deal of moral outrage, and until recently, much less research, has been expended by Australian historians on the Second Fleet. It is said, cruel slave irons were used on the convicts, and the death rate was 25 per cent. The Second Fleet was as atrocious as anyone has claimed. Central to the story is the firm, William Camden, Anthony Calvert and Thomas King, who had been interested in carrying convicts to Africa from late 1784. The convict irons usually used were less abrasive than slave irons. Marines of the First Fleet had complained of a lack of convict irons. With the Second Fleet, it seems that government - Nepean, or Campbell? - again failed to provide sufficient convict irons. The Calvert firm simply used slave irons they had lying about in ships or a warehouse. In this case, the Home Office was responsible for slave irons being used on the Second Fleet convicts. But no one ever complained about a shortage of convict irons for the largest embarkation of convicts of all - the Third Fleet. It took an atrocity and an outcry for the British government to learn to supply sufficient convict irons for large embarkations!


The idea of a second large embarkation newly fired Richards' imagination. By 12 August, 1789, the Commissioners of the navy had proposals of Mr. Davis (Davison) and Mr. Richards for conveying 1000 cons to NSW and recommending a public contract. Four enclosures, etc.([56]) As Bateson reports, on 27 August, 1789, George Whitlock of Crutched Friars, after government had advertised for tenders, signed a contract for the transportation of 1005 convicts. ([57]) His fee would be 22,370/2/8d, proportionally much less than the cost of the First Fleet. Whitlock was agent or broker for Messrs Camden, Calvert and King, and so began the atrocity of the Second Fleet.


Alexander Davison had quoted 25 per head but made commercial demands which were unrealistic. Undercutting Richards' quote of 30 per head, Camden Calvert and King charged about 22/5/- per head. So for the sake of saving a mere 7/15/- or less per head on a tender, the British government by giving the contract to slavers, and not to Richards, contributed to the deaths of 25 per cent of the Second Fleet convicts.


Shelton's Contract No 2 is: Acct TS with George Whitlock in the Neptune, Scarborough and Surprize transport ships, in November, 1789. Shelton charged 601/8/6d for: Making out a list of such of the above Offenders as had been ordered to be transported to America and also of such as had been to Africa in order that the same might be annexed to an order by his Majesty in Council appointing [NSW] ... and making fair copy ... Attending the execution of an order by Mr. Baron Hotham and Mr. Justice Heath ... Instructions to prepare Assignment to the Contractor of the Convicts embarked on board the Neptune for the remainder of the terms for which they were ordered to be transported. Drawing and Ingrossing Assignment of such Convicts from Mr. Whitlock the Contractor to the Governor of NSW ... Drawing general Bonds from Contractor and Surety to transport Offenders included in the Assignment to procure testimonials of their landing and that they should not be suffered to return before the expiration of their respective Sentences. .... Attending the execution of Assignments and Bonds - Drawing Assignment to the Contractor of 44 other Convicts embarked on board the Neptune for the remainder of the Terms for which they were ordered to be transported. In consequence of alterations made in the above Bond by the Captains of the Ships when they executed the same at Portsmouth Ingrossing another Bond from the Contractor and the Captain. Making fair copy List of Convicts for His Majestys Secretary of State for the Home Dept... ([58])< /p>


On 25 August, 1789, the Navy appointed Lt. John Shapcote naval agent. Shapcote was aged about 50, and Flynn suggests he was "an ineffectual hack of questionable competence". The year previous he had worked as agent for transports at Cork, supervising troop embarkation. On 27 August he was directed by the Navy Board to oversee the fitting of the transports at Deptford, in conjunction with James Bowen, agent for transports at Deptford. The ships were also to be examined by surveyors of the East India Company, as the contractors were to be given special permission by the Company to bring home China tea. ([59]) There seem to be no other records of British slavers carrying China tea for the East India Company before 1800. The situation was quite novel.


The Second Fleet, once its prisoners were landed at Sydney, produced the oft-quoted remark from Captain Hill, "The slave trade is merciful (compared to what I have seen)" ([60]) After the horrors of his voyage, and he was an observer, not a sufferer, Hill took a long time to recover his equanimity about life and the human condition. Hill's remarks were prompted by Capt. Trail's application of slave ship conditions. It has been reported that later Trail became involved with Michael Hogan, another convict contractor to NSW, in slaving and the bribing of officials in Africa. At Cape Town, he argued with Sir George Yonge, former Secretary of War, when Yonge was stationed there ([61]) The fallout from the Second Fleet was harmful to everybody. Allegations were made to the Home Office that (1) fetters of the slave trade had been used on Surprize, (2) that death rates on the ships had been excessive (3) That Thomas King of the contracting firm had at different times murdered, by shooting, one or more of his crew members about Africa in years unstated, but had avoided the arm of the law. ([62])


* * *


Specially selected artificers:


Phillip in despatches home had asked for the services of convict superintendents and a flax-dresser who might assess the potential of the region as a source of flax for naval stores. His request had been known in London by 25 March at the very earliest. ([63]) Lord Sydney by 29 April had decided to meet the request for convict superintendents. Andrew Hamilton Hume and Phillip Divine, both Campbell employees on the hulks, were chosen, their salaries to be no more than 40 per annum, paid by the Admiralty. ([64]) Sydney having left office, it was Grenville who had answered Phillip's despatches on 19 June and 24 August, and it was Grenville advising Phillip of the employment of Hume and Divine.


Comparatively sedately, there sailed from Spithead on 12 September, 1789, HM Guardian, Lt. Riou, with 1003 tons of cargo worth 70,000 for government stores, and 25 specially-selected artificers contracted for by Richards, one of the few blocks of specially-selected transportable convicts on record. Guardian was wrecked on an iceberg at Christmas off the Cape of Good Hope. Lt. Riou displayed great courage during and after the wreck, and boats made their way to the African coast.


The Navy Office by Saturday, 8 September, advised Treasury on the early moves for taking up the convict vessels, but was unable to name any ships. Richards remained active, but disastrously unaware of the nature of his competition, Camden, Calvert and King. During October he offered to Grenville a plan he'd already had laid before Pitt and Sir Charles Middleton, and put before the Treasury on 20 October, 1788. When Henry Bradley, the overseer of the Plymouth hulks had died, Richards applied to manage those hulks, as did Campbell. ([65]) But the Plymouth contracts were taken up by Henry's brother and the executor of his will. James Grenville merely referred Richards' application to Treasury, where it was ignored.


* * *


The continually crowded gaols:


On 27 September, 1789 came more complaints of gaol overcrowding. The Marquis of Stafford (Granville Leveson-Gower, first Marquis, 1721-1803) wrote to the Home Office that Stafford Gaol remained in a decaying condition and his county urgently required the removal of a large number of convicts to prevent disease and escapes. The Secretary of State replied on 29 September that no convicts could be removed until prisoners on the hulks were embarked on a fleet to be ready within a fortnight. "This will enable us to relieve the gaols, which are extremely crowded in every part of England". ([66]) By late September 1789, the Home Office plus hulk officials had drawn up a list of more than 1000 convicts male and female to be sent from hulks and gaols to the second fleet. Some prisoners had earlier been sent for America, Africa or "beyond the seas". Those now-impossible destinations were altered by orders-in-council of early October. ([67])


* * *


After Bligh's open boat voyage:


By October 1789, Campbell had developed a habit of going into the country more frequently. In October 1789, his son Dugald wrote from Jamaica on buying more negroe ground. After his magnificent sail to Timor, Bligh at Coupang on 19 August, 1789 ([68]) wrote to his wife, Betsy, about the mutiny: "know then, my own dear Betsy, I have lost the Bounty". ([69]) In October 1789 Bligh also wrote from Timor about Fletcher Christian and the mutiny to his wife Betsy, addressed to her c/- Duncan Campbell at the Adelphi. ([70]) That original letter is now in the care of the Mitchell Library, Sydney, and was displayed during mid-1989 when the Mitchell and the National Maritime Museum in Greenwich, London, were both holding exhibitions on the bicentenary of the mutiny.


Bligh on 12 October, 1789 had written to Campbell from Batavia, giving an explicit and unadorned account of his experience of the mutiny... "the most severe treachery". A packet sailed on the 15th. Bligh sent his mail by it but hoped to reach home before his letters did. ([71]) There is no indication in Campbell's letters that he received Bligh's October letter from Batavia before Bligh set foot back in England.


On 4 October, 1789, the officials at Exeter Gaol reported a mass break-out by 26 prisoners who had stolen firearms. On 20 October, London aldermen brooded officially yet again on the urgent need to remove convicts from Newgate, and government officials including Campbell were brooding on lists of up to 1000 convicts for the Second Fleet). ([72]) On 3 October, 1789, Grenville officially informed the Admiralty of a plan of finding a whaler base in the South Atlantic and ordered a ship to be fitted as quickly as possible, so that it could sail during winter. ([73]) Rather vaguely he wrote: ([74])... "certain Islands situated in the Southern Atlantic Ocean, and comprised within Cape Horn and the Cape of Good Hope, as well as some parts of the Coast of Africa, should be examined with a view to further operations". (American whalers were then operating in waters off Africa, of course to be followed by British whalers by 1791. ([75])).

For the Pacific survey, the deckless boat Discovery, a new ship on the stocks at Randall and Brent's Yard at Rotherhithe, was chosen. On 7 December, 1789 her command was given to Henry Roberts, a veteran of Cook's second and third voyages. First Lt. was George Vancouver. But by various delays she did not leave until January-February, 1790. By that time, the Nootka Crisis had arisen and as "this was not a suitable time for a survey vessel to be prowling around the south Atlantic where there had already been incidents with Spain, the Discovery voyage was therefore suspended". ([76]) On 5 May, 1790, Pitt "reluctantly" asked Parliament for armaments to resist Spain, claiming it was unbearable that the extension of fisheries and navigation be resisted by the Spanish. Planning for its voyage was resumed after 24 July, 1790, once Britain and Spain had negotiated their positions on "the Nootka Sound crisis". ([77])


* * *


Prisoner problems persist:


On 4 October, 1789, Exeter gaol officials reported an attempted mass breakout by 26 prisoners who had sawed their irons, seized the turnkey, locked him in the cells and rushed the gaol-keeper's house, aiming to seize arms. All these convicts had been sworn to secrecy, but one had told his wife, who warned the gaoler of a possible escape, and the men were rounded up by a waiting party of dragoons. ([78]) Meanwhile, Maidstone jail had 103 convicts in April 1786; by 7 October, 1789, it had 120. The Kent magistrate, C. Wareham, contacted Nepean about the problem. The county said it had been reticent about the problem till now, "knowing Government's difficulties". ([79])


On 10 October, 1789, with a major convict embarkation soon due, the Duke of Richmond (who had a reputation as a radical) was in charge of constructing fortifications at Portsmouth. Richmond had become concerned about losing part of his skilled prisoner workforce, so he sent the Home Office a list of 280 convict names from Portsmouth, Gosport and Langston Harbour, "hoping that these men who have got into the track of our works and whose loss would be very inconvenient to us may be allowed to continue where they are most usefully employed". In a sense, Richmond's request was against the law, and so was adherence to his request. If a prisoner had been sentenced for transportation, he should have been transported, not held back to hard labour at home only because he possessed a skill. ([80]) The Duke's political influence was sufficient to ensure that all but 52 of the 280 listed convicts remained on the hulks. This was despite the fact, as Michael Flynn says, that skilled workers were desperately needed in the new colony and Governor Phillip had repeatedly asked for more. Here, the contradiction between justice and commonsense about forming a skilled colonial workforce was made worse by a lack of skilled prisoners.


* * *


The three Calverts-contracted ships formed the second wing of the so-called Second Fleet. Since they had been gathered by only one firm, they can be regarded as a force majeur in commercial terms, once their convict business had finished. The Neptune ([81]) of 809 tons with crew of 83, was built at Scarborough in Yorkshire in 1782. The Surprize was 400 tons, smallest of the three, leaky and a poor sailor. Capt. John Marshall of Scarborough had been on that same ship for the First Fleet. On Surprize was firstly Capt. Gilbert, then Capt. Donald Trail, a 44-year-old Scot from the Isle of Orkney, a former Navy master, who had earlier sailed for Camden, Calvert and King on their Recovery, as master, about Africa. ([82]) He was a skilled navigator and had served as the master of naval vessels in American and West Indian waters during the American Revolution. After 1783 he left the Navy to command private merchant ships and he ended in 1788-1789 as a master for Camden, Calvert and King. He had "a plain but sound education" and was a good trader, but also "a hard bitten sea dog with a violent temper". Long later, Trail seems to have become involved with a roving merchant involved in carrying one shipload of convicts to Australia about 1800, Michael Hogan. ([83]) Hogan when later based on the Cape of Good Hope became involved with slaving and the bribery of British officials there. As well, he clashed with Sir George Yonge, by then stationed at Cape Town. ([84])


On 15 October, 1789, the Second Fleet ships were ordered to move out of Deptford to embark soldiers and convicts. ([85]) (The next day - 16 October, 1789 - whalers addressed a memorial to Leeds, and there were other whaler memorials to government in October). ([86]) By 29 October it was apparent the three ships would not be able to hold all the stores. That day, George Rose at the Treasury wrote to Nepean, that government should advertise for a store ship to carry the extra supplies in company with the transports. Secretary of State Grenville approved, and by 19 November, less than three weeks later, Justinian, Capt. Benjamin Maitland, was passed by an inspection of Deptford. ([87]) The contractor associated with Justinian was William Hamilton, who obtained an East India Company charter for her, apparently without difficulty. Hamilton here was possibly the man who had moved into Campbell's old premises in Mincing Lane, the same William Hamilton, captain of the Blackheath Golf Club in 1788. ([88])


* * *


The odious Second Fleet captains:


On 30 October, 1789, Nepean wrote to George Rose about the hiring of Justinian saying it highlighted the experimental role of the Second Fleet regarding the establishment of the system of transportation to Australia. "With regard to the proposal of hiring the vessels on account of Government, Mr. Grenville does not see the least objection to the measure, but on the contrary he thinks it will be a means of ascertaining the actual expence incurred and be a guide to their Lordships upon any future contracts which may be made for a similar Service". ([89]) Grenville's parsimony was to lead to an atrocity.


On 11 November, 1789, Neptune Capt. Gilbert took on board four male and 27 females sent direct from Newgate. About 61 women from county gaols were embarked at the same time. Next day, 83 male convicts from Justitia hulk and 41 from Censor hulk were at Woolwich to be embarked. On 13 November, 1789, Neptune moved down river from Long Reach to Gravesend; all convicts from Newgate and hulks were aboard, guarded by a 43-strong NSW Corps contingent. There joined the ship Capt. Nicholas Nepean, 34, plus the aggressive Lt. John Macarthur, his wife Elizabeth and baby; and the surgeon's mate John Harris. The ship then went to Plymouth where she embarked 300 more felons from Dunkirk hulk, on or about 30 November. ([90])


Nicholas Nepean at 18, in December 1773, had joined HM Boyne as a seaman. His older brother, Evan, was clerk on the same vessel. Nicholas went off that ship and in December 1776 joined the marines to see action off Brest. He saw duty on various ships, then went recruiting in 1783. He then saw no service until he joined the NSW Corps as a captain in 1789. He had no previous land-army experience, and he probably owed his commission mostly to his brother Evan. ([91])


Relations between Capt. Gilbert and the army officers were to deteriorate almost immediately. John Macarthur was soon complaining about his accommodation to Nicholas Anstis (who had been chief mate on the First Fleeter Lady Penrhyn). Capt. Gilbert was furious he was not being consulted, and some "warm conversation" resulted. Gilbert flew into a passion, said there was a mountain being made out of a molehill, and that he would write to the War Office to have Macarthur put off the ship. Macarthur called Gilbert an insolent fellow and Gilbert stormed off.


On 16 November, 1789, Surprize embarked 98 convicts from hulk Stanislaus. Four days later another 16 male convicts from country gaols were embarked. She then moved round to Portsmouth and on 30 November another 130 male convicts were embarked from hulk Ceres. Four also were sent aboard from the hulk Fortunee. The same day, 15 November, 1789, a further demarcation dispute arose between ships captains and NSW Corps over jurisdiction(s) over convicts. Legally, in fact, as it turned out, the captains had the jurisdiction claimed by the men of the Corps. The dispute arose on Surprize after 98 convicts were embarked at Gravesend on 16 November. ([92]) Capt. Donald Trail meantime soon unbearably annoyed Lt. William Hill of the NSW Corps. ([93]) Ominously for convict health, on 17 November, 1789 there came to the Second Fleet a warrant to Shapcote which vaguely said, the ships' captains were to stop at ports "only ... as you shall find necessary, in which you will be guided by circumstances". ([94]) Conflict set in, slaving captains scarcely being used to dealing with disciplined army men, though legally the ships captains had adopted a correct position regarding authority over the convicts. There were protracted personality clashes. On 18 November, 1789, Lt. Hill clashed with Trail on Neptune. Hill ended threatening to "pull the Contractors by the Nose". Hill considered the convicts were under his own command, and that he would iron them as he thought fit. He wanted the keys of the hatches kept in his own possession and threatened he would take the ship from Trail if Trail opposed him. Trail wrote to Camden, Calvert and King, "You had better have this point cleared up or you must expect most serious consequences"... ([95]) Hill was braver than he knew in threatening the contractors. Camden, Calvert and King seem to have been regarded as powerful men with an influence on Nepean and easy access to him. Campbell did not frighten easily, yet when he differed with Camden, Calvert and King about the delivery of convicts to the Third Fleet, he was quite concerned to be kept out of "a scrape".


On 21 November, 1789, Lt. Hill was staying at the New Exchange Coffee House on the Strand. He complained to the Home Office about Trail, about the wretched ship accommodation, and poor food. Never had a transport left a British port in such a situation, he claimed, adding, it was difficult to guard the convicts in co-operation with Trail's ideas. Hill also said that there was a rumour that the contractors planned to make the voyage without any stops. This did not actually happen, but Hill almost prophesied when he suggested that if the contractors were such to disobey orders about stopping, they were hardly going to worry about convicts' health. ([96]) The contractors, meanwhile, tried quickly to neutralize Hill and wrote to the Navy Board complaining of his conduct, asking Hill be removed from Surprize. ([97])


By 21 November, 1789, Will Lumby, Master at Lincoln Jail was contacting Sir Joseph Banks about the removal of transportees, and he was writing again on the same matter a year later. ([98]) This is an odd matter: Banks had nothing to do with transportation. It may have been that Banks, being from the area, had some squirely interest in certain locally-produced convicts, but otherwise, Lumby's letters are a mystery. Campbell meanwhile kept few surviving records of the huge Second Fleet embarkation, which in the document-handling sense appears to have been smooth. No problems appeared as they had done with the First Fleet, Campbell had no grumbles, and Shelton at the Old Bailey duly produced proper contracts, as he had not done for the First Fleet. Campbell duly produced his post-embarkation report.


Campbell Letter 187:

Adelphi 21 Nov 1789

S Bernard Esq

In obedience to the Commands from W. Grenville which you was pleased to signify to me .... I have made an exact calculation of the Convicts delivered, & to be delivered for Transportation from the several Hulks under my charge - which are as follows


From the Justitia at Woolwich 84

The Censor at do 41

The Stanislaus at do 98


in all 223


Already received from Newgate 100


123 for this number

and for 4 more which I expect will be discharged in a very short time there is immediate room in the Vessels at Woolwich


To be delivered

From the Fortunee Hulk Langstone Harbour 53

The Ceres 136

The Lion at Portsmouth 122


311 as soon

as these or any part are delivered, there will be immediate room for the like numbers in the respective Ships -

With very great Respect

I am


N.B. the 16 People from the County Gaols are put on board the Surprize, but as these were supernumaries & only put on board the Hulks for a temporary accomodation no room arises from this delivery ([99])< /p>


* * *


John Macarthur duels with Captain Gilbert:


On 23 November, 1789 the Navy Board wrote to Treasury with copies of various complaints and suggested Lt. Hill be told not to interfere with the contract. Surprize later sailed with Trail triumphant and Hill frustrated. ([100]) On 27 November, 1789, Neptune still with Capt. Gilbert anchored at Plymouth. Lt. John Macarthur then publicly rebuked Gilbert for his conduct, and called him a scoundrel. Gilbert wanted to see Macarthur on shore. They arranged to meet at the Fountain Tavern at 4 o'clock, and had a pistol duel at the Old Gun Wharf. Only two shots were fired, the only damage was a hole in Gilbert's greatcoat. The incident was reported in provincial and London newspapers, The Morning Post, 2 December, and Maidstone Journal and Kentish Advertiser, 9 December.


On 28 November, 1789 was the probable embarkation of 300 Plymouth convicts. Capt. Nicholas Nepean decided to take power over the convicts as he thought Capt. Gilbert had usurped too much power. Like Trail, Gilbert reacted like an angry bull to directions from an army officer. ([101]) Nepean said his commanding officer, Major Francis Grose, had ordered him to take full charge of the convicts, claiming the marines in the First Fleet had done the same. Dispute followed. Nepean waited until Gilbert was ashore and asked the mate, Nicholas Anstis, for the keys to the male and female compartments. Anstis (who must have had useful experience from his voyage with the First Fleet) co-operated. Nepean then gave the keys to Macarthur's care and nonchalantly went to his family home at Saltash for two days. Gilbert demanded the keys from Macarthur and Macarthur refused him. Later, Gilbert demanded from Nepean an explanation of why Macarthur was commanding the ship's keys?


By 29 November, Scarborough had embarked 81 male convicts sent direct from Newgate to Deptford, before sailing for Portsmouth. On 29 November, 120 male convicts embarked from the hulk Lion and another 51 came from the hulk Fortunee. On 30 November, Gilbert confronted Nepean on shore and argued about control of the keys and convict movements as part of running the ship. Gilbert had written to London for confirmation of his position, and later had changed locks. Nepean shortly demanded the new keys from Anstis, who only gave them over with a written order from Nepean.


When the convicts were embarked on Neptune, many brought chests or bags of personal property. As boarding continued at Stokes Bay, Portsmouth. Lt. Shapcote ordered a search of convicts' quarters, and between 70-100 knives were confiscated, along with tin pots and chests with iron hinges and clasps which could have been made into knives. Many such boxes and personal effects were thrown overboard, the fear of infection from gaol fever being the reason given. According to a statement of 1792 defending Trail, it was Shapcote who ordered the gear thrown overboard, but Neptune seamen later lodging statements in late 1791, alleging brutality on Trail's part, claimed it was he who'd ordered the property jettisoned. Also, four convicts on one ship had died and their bodies had been merely thrown overboard with insufficient weights attached.


Campbell only had small administrative duties left.

Campbell Letter 187a:

[This letter written by James Boyick]

London 17 Dec 1789

Capt Rt Burn

Portsmouth -

The Neptune having been some days at Portsmouth, Mr Campbell wishes to know in course of post what steps you have taken to obtain William Mason & Patrick Connor from on board that ship. John Langley from the Censor, who is likewise in the Neptune, is to be received by you or your Brother, unless he prefers going to Botany Bay

I am ([102])< /p>


On 1 December, 1789, Nicholas Nepean pulled rank and wrote to his brother Evan, to get Gilbert off the ship, listing his complaints about the situation. ([103]) Gilbert stayed on land considering his position until 2 December. When he came back on ship, Gilbert began drinking and amazing scenes unfolded. When Nepean arrived back on board, he thought he had a mutiny - by a ships captain! So on 2 December he wrote again to his brother Evan. Over 2-3 December, both Gilbert and Nepean were off the ship and looking for support. Gilbert at 1am called on Sir Richard Bickerton, Plymouth Port Admiral, who ordered an investigation. Nepean called on John Campbell of The Citadel, Plymouth, who was, or had been, a Lt-Gov, asking for advice. ([104]) Gilbert it seems realised it was unwise to antagonise a man with so powerful a brother as Evan, and on 5 December he wrote to Evan Nepean an ingratiating letter.


On 4 December, Middleton was concerned with Shapcote that the situation be explained minutely, and noted that he had been told that the convicts had been ironed in such a manner as "to tend to their destruction", an accurate prediction. Middleton suggested that Shapcote talk to King, the contractors' representative, on the matter. Shapcote replied obsequiously to Middleton on 6 December.


On 5 December, Capt. Gilbert wrote to Evan Nepean. ([105]) At some point, Evan Nepean consulted with Middleton of the Navy. Middleton thought the ship's captain had authority, the Corps' men had better keep the jail birds in order instead of setting them an example of mutiny. and then he wrote privately to the naval agent, Shapcote, who was waiting for Neptune at Portsmouth. Nepean wanted Shapcote to talk it over with both Gilbert and Nicholas, and wanted Shapcote to discuss it with the contractor's representative, King, "a sensible, discreet man".


On 6 December, 1789, Anthony Calvert wrote privately to Evan Nepean about the dispute, an uncommonly, breezily, confident letter, in which he casually discussed both Gilbert and Evan's brother Nicholas, and criticised both. ([106]) From where did Calvert find his confidence, to approach the under-secretary of the Home Office so casually? Presumably Calvert, who was regularly on and off the board of the Africa Company, and an Elder Brother of Trinity House, was highly connected. He was also probably sure of his ground legally - the captain of a convict transport had final authority over the confinement of the convicts.


On 10 December, 1789, as Neptune sailed from Plymouth Sound for Portsmouth, the London bureaucrats and merchants were deciding how to react to the antics of their employees. On 1 December, 1791, some seamen made allegations about Trail's brutality on Neptune. ([107]) On 13 December, 1789, Neptune anchored at Stokes Bay, near Portsmouth. Dispute continued, and Gilbert was removed as captain. Capt. Trail of Surprize took his place and Anstis took command of Surprize. John Macarthur's wife Elizabeth commented unhappily on Gilbert's "black character".


The Second Fleet ships gather:


That same day, 15 December, The London Chronicle reported without comment that 1000 convicts were embarked on the Botany Bay ships expected to sail shortly. They were at False Bay, Cape of Good Hope on 13 April, 1790. There was made an attempt at a mutiny, denounced by Samuel Burt, a well-educated London forger. At Cape of Good Hope, Lt. Riou (wrecked on Guardian) criticised Shapcote as incompetent and denounced the whole contract for the second fleet. Shapcote reported that the soldiers and convicts were in large number ill from scurvy.


By 12 May, 1790, Shapcote was dying, after dining with Mr. and Mrs. Trail, Nepean and the surgeon. Disputes between Lt. Macarthur and Capt. Trail resulted in Macarthur transferring to Scarborough on 19 February, 1790. Elizabeth Macarthur had an ill baby and was appreciative of Capt. Marshall's attentions. ([108]) Then her husband became ill. Relations cooled between Macarthur and Nicholas Nepean due to Macarthur's complaints. ([109])


Campbell only had loose ends to tie up.

Campbell Letter 188:

17 Dec 1789

William Pollock

Portsmouth -

I have just now received your letter touching William Mason, who with three others was ordered by W Grenvilles letter of the 5 inst to be taken back to the Hulks at Portsmouth - Immediately on receipt of that letter I gave the needfull instructions to my Officers, who advised me of having received two out of the four, but that Mason and Connor, being on board the Neptune at Plymouth, could not be returned till he arrived at Portsmouth. As that ship is now come round I have written to the proper officer to receive them

I am


Campbell Letter 189:

London 18 Dec 1789

Capt Rt Burn

Portsmouth -

Annexed you have a Copy of a letter from the Secy of State to Mr Campbell. The number of Convicts to be brought up from the several Gaols mentioned in that letter will be about One hundred and twenty which Mr Campbell requests you will be prepared for receiving. Mr Campbell desires you will allow Potatoes this Winter the same as last. Tomlinson is not to be sent on shore to Labour till you receive further orders.


I am


The Keeper of the new Gaol is to call this evening for an Order for 20 Convicts, besides the above & they will be with you in a day or two.


As the hulks had been part-emptied, Campbell requested provincial gaolers to inform him on what transportable convicts they had, and when they could be brought down.


Campbell Letter 189a:

Adelphi 18 Dec 1789

Gaoler of Leicester

[and gaolers at Westmoreland, Rutland, Durham, Warwick].


Mr Campbell desires me to request the favour of you to inform him by return of post what numbers of Male Convicts for Transportation are in your Custody and when they may be expected to be brought up agreeable to the Secretary of States letter to you for that purpose.

I am ([110])< /p>


With the embarkation work largely over. ([111]) Campbell turned his mind to his great preoccupation - the American debts. On 23 December, 1789 he wrote to John Dixon at Whitehaven on the British Creditors' meeting with Pitt.


However, on 24 December, 1789, a health crisis was anticipated on the Second Fleet ships, as is indicated by secretary of state Grenville writing to Gov. Phillip... ([112]) "The disembarking the convicts at Sydney [as soon as possible] seems indeed to be a Measure highly necessary as from the Length of the Passage from hence and the nature of their Food, there is every Reason to expect that many of them will be reduced to so debilitated a state that immediate relief will be found expedient for the Preservation of their lives". ([113])


Tales of horror later abounded. Few of the motives of the protagonists are clear even yet. On the Second Fleet voyage, starving convicts had kept back the bodies of the dead and taken their rations until conditions made them give up their dead. Howls of outrage at the treatment meted the convicts were heard when the prisoners were disembarked at Sydney. Since the 1930s, those howls have been quoted again and again by both serious historians and more popularising writers. The collective horror he sailed with apparently never greatly bothered John Macarthur, who travelled by two ships of the Second Fleet. At least, he isn't conspicuously quoted as commenting. Meanwhile, it is likely that carefully concealed strategies employed by London's whalers for opening up the Pacific had led to Calvert's involvements. In a sense, Calvert et al were front men... their task had also been to get William Richards out of the way, and they were probably well rewarded by their involvements. The whalers after all were engaged in having legislation on their sea routes and trading modified, and they seem to have wished to stay in the background for a time.


In the entire history of transportation between 1718-1865, whether the First Fleet was a useful penal measure, a success at an unusual form of colonisation, an invasion of Australia, or all of these things, the first three fleets of convict ships to Australia were a huge and ugly bulge in statistics, an anomaly, an oddity, an eruption of numbers, a maritime beast of maritime history with unerring navigational skill - and the disapproval of the East India Company is still not fully explained. Shaw in Convicts and the Colonies, Chapter 1, writes on the retarding effect of the East India Company charter on NSW... "In fact the Company's monopoly virtually removed any commercial advantages that might arise from New South Wales. Though whaling in the Southern Ocean was encouraged by bounties, it was prohibited in the area monopolized by the Company, between longitudes 57 degrees E and 180 degrees, i.e., in Australian waters; and when New South Wales was founded, the governor was told that `every sort of intercourse between the intended settlement at Botany Bay, or other places which may be hereafter established on the coast of New South Wales and its dependencies, as well as the coast of China, and the islands in that part of the world .... should be prevented by every possible means'."


Other things surface for inspection. Sierra Leone was settled as a home for free blacks at a loose end at the same time as Phillip was creating a new colony at Sydney. It is strange that London slavers - and not Liverpool or Bristol slavers - tried to get their hooks into both new settlements, so distant from each other, and that this should remain unnoticed. Nor should minor details be overlooked. At some time, some ships captain had to be given the distinction of "beginning retailing" at Sydney by opening a store. To date, that distinction has been granted the captain of the East Indiaman, Royal Admiral, Capt. E. H. Bond. This is probably because Bond sold better-quality goods - and due to the usual over-glamourisation of the East Indiaman. It is incorrect. Capt. Aitkin of Lady Juliana opened Sydney's first store, Capt. Trail of Neptune opened the second. Third Fleet captains probably opened others when they arrived.


As for the other trading of the Camden, Calvert and King ships. They proceeded to Canton for tea, the Neptune also calling at Macao. Then they sailed to Whampoa, the five Second Fleet ships joining with the East India Company ships sailing home from March 21, 1791. The round voyage for Surprize was 22 months - which also established a bench-mark for trade prospects in the Australasian region.


* * *


Unknown activities of the London slavers:


From 1789 erupted a trade war on the African coast... involving Camden, Calvert and King while they were waiting for the return of their Second Fleet ships. On 1 May, 1790, the secretary of the Africa Company, John Shoolbred, began overtures to the Board of Trade and had a letter read out, requesting Parliament to incorporate a company, the St. Georges Company., with an exclusive right to export to, and import from, the new colony of Sierra Leone. ([114]) The anti-abolitionists hated the free-black colony at Sierra Leone, presumably from fear it might set a precedent with foreign nations with African possessions, creating influences detrimental to the usual exploitation of West Indian sugar islands. In short, they feared Sierra Leone as the thin end of a wedge the abolitionists were driving into the institution of slavery. In all this, Camden, Calvert and King were looking for new commercial opportunities not so much in the Pacific region, as in East India territory, Canton and India. This one slaving firm seems to have been reacting seismically to threats appearing for the slave trade. At least, only such a theory can explain their long interest in shipping convicts, whether to Africa or Australia. They evidently felt they needed more strings to their bow, and when these failed, more or less, they placed more of their money in Lloyd's.


It is thus interesting that while some historians have noted the near-coincidence of the efforts to colonise both Sierra Leone, and New South Wales, the interest of members of the African Company in both ventures has not been canvassed. Nor has the fact that the slavers attempted to undermine the efforts of more idealistic Londoners in respect of both colonising efforts). By May 1790, while the Second Fleet brutality was proceeding, the Board of Trade was considering various matters: trade possibilities at Nootka Sound, the cultivation of hemp in Quebec (but not NSW), the South Whale Fishery and a policy letter on whaling from Nepean. Calverts were deeply involved in whalers' business at this time, keeping their eye on East India-linked advantages they could link to Australasian possibilities.


From late 1790, with the South whalers, Camden, Calvert and King mounted the Third Fleet. Then, from November 1791, they also became embroiled in another bitter argument over Africa trade in a way suggesting that their business methods were consistently arrogant, exclusivist and brutal. The affair came to the attention of the Board of Trade. Board papers are revealing of many issues that have remained controversial in the confines of "the Botany Bay debate". In a matter closely related to Calverts' and the whalers' ambitions, on 2 June, 1792, the Board heard read a letter from Governor Phillip at Sydney, dated 5 November, 1791, (written about the time the Third Fleet arrived at Sydney) concerning the quantity of sperm whales seen on the NSW coast. For Calverts in this period, the trade war on the African coast was still being continued, by 14 November, 1792.


On 31 December, 1791 one Joseph Sayver (Sawyer?) had written to Calvert et al on the issues. On 9 February, 1792 one Martin Watt had alleged in a letter to Calvert et al that Thomas Miles had been trading on the African coast in American-built ships in defiance of regulations. Since Calvert was on the board of the African Company, - (and, presumably, had a "conflict of interest"?), Camden and King joined with another African merchant, Collow, in complaining to the Board of Trade about Miles' trading, and irregularities in the governance by Richard Miles about Annamboe. Publicly at least, Calvert stayed out of the fracas. The Board heard further on the African trade war whilst on 11 April, 1792, surprisingly, also hearing reports on refreshment islands being used by the whalers in the Pacific, with Dalrymple giving some advice on such islands. (The French South Whale Fishery begun by Rotches was also being discussed).


This helpfulness to whalers does not remind one of Dalrymple the bitter foe of the whalers on behalf of the interests of the East India Company when a "thief colony" was first mooted in 1786. On 10 May, Shoolbred informed the Board of Trade about the employment of craft before the Annamboe "Palaver affair" had broken out. On 14 May, 1792, the Board again discussed the complaints of Camden, King and Collow about Miles' conduct, and also read a memorial from Miles' brother claiming Camden/Calvert et al were "cruel" to Miles, and that "these very men had been enjoying (and still continue to benefit by) a free and almost uninterrupted monopoly of the trade at Annamboe...."


On 18 May, 1792, African merchants Bourke, Barnes, Casamajor, French and Calvert, and Thomas King, attended the Board of Trade, conveying that Miles had broken navigation laws, had caused trade rivalries all along the African coast by employing American-built ships, which employment was expressly forbidden by the Company. It was also explained that company servants were allowed to trade in compensation for their small salaries, but that they were not permitted to deal in negro slaves.


From September 1788, to January 1792, one J. Currie had been about the African coast for Calvert, as supercargo on Recovery Capt. Andrew Hewson, assisting in the trade based at Annamboe. (The Board of Trade was told this in the same month that Donald Trail was acquitted for alleged crimes with the Second Fleet trip, in June 1792. It is also probable that this Currie was related to the merchants Currie with whom Campbell had been in intermittent dispute for many years, probably over matters of slave supply). Not until June 1792 did Currie return to London, able to give evidence to the Board of trade in support of allegations made against Miles by Camden, King and Collow. Calvert in 1794, when both Calvert and Richard Miles were directors of the African Company, also organised another convict ship, Surprize, Capt. Patrick Campbell, for NSW [later for Bengal], the ship which took out the so-called Scottish Martyrs. ([115]) The Australian writer Frank Clune has recorded that by that ship, Major Grose, then acting governor of the colony at Sydney, received a letter, contents unknown, maybe concerning the Scots Martyrs, from alderman Macaulay, who was upset about the case of the Scottish Martyrs. This Surprize represented Calvert's last known direct involvement to NSW.


* * *



* * *


The year 1790:


Of all the merchants involved to NSW between 1786 and 1806, the man whose interest extended over the greatest period was John St Barbe, ([116]) who first suggested that whalers carry convicts to Sydney. He faded from records after 1806, when his ship Tellicherry sank off the Philippines. In a letter greatly under-rated, St Barbe and Enderby had suggested to government in October 1790 that whale ships take convicts to NSW, then proceed into the Pacific. ([117]) Between 1791 (the year of the Third Fleet) ([118]) and 1803, the only London-based merchant to invest so heavily in Australia (or the Pacific) that he exposed himself dangerously to fluctuations in the Australian economy, was William Wilson - who, significantly, developed maritime contacts at Blackheath from 1797 in association with the recently-formed London Missionary Society. As to broader perceptions of Britain's commercial interests about Australia, Napoleon in October 1800, when sending out Nicholas Baudin to explore the areas apparently not coveted by Britain, observed that eastern Australian had been condemned to "a sort of oblivion". ([119]) One result of French remarks was that at the instigation of Banks, Britain set Matthew Flinders to re-examine the entire coast of Australia. In the meantime, France did not attempt to settle any part of Australia, nor New Zealand, because they were not seriously interested, and never had been. After 1786, there never was a serious rivalry in Europe about Pacific territories, until World War Two.


In an earlier treatment, in 1988 in the journal of maritime history, The Great Circle, ([120]) I attempted to outline the expansionary strategy undertaken from the 1780s by England's whalers. At that time it was not known that the whalers, Macaulay, and other ship manager associated with early Sydney, resided close together at Blackheath. But in 1988 it seemed fair to write, "It must be admitted, however, that the whaler's strategies have a peculiar and mixed air of association with, but unrelatedness to, the establishment of England's penal colony." This observation had to be made because it fitted the case. Now that it is known that Enderbys and St Barbe lived closely together, just a stroll from Macaulay's house, while Campbell also lived nearby, it is obvious that information on anything known in the City of London about NSW could on any given day have been discussed that night at Blackheath by any interested parties, in ten minutes after supper, after a short stroll.


However, we have no idea if any such talks were actually conducted. It would be surprising if they were not. But any such conversations could have been conducted very quickly once news from the Pacific arrived, by men leading a substantial maritime industry - whaling. Now, the Blackheath Connection explains how at times, various shipmen reacted with remarkable speed to news arriving from NSW or the Pacific. Samuel Enderby clearly from 1790, if not earlier, deliberately waged maritime war on the East India Company - and won the right to sail the Pacific Ocean. ([121]) The whalers' strategy is evident both in the record on the deployment of shipping, and in successive Acts of parliament governing which waters the whalers could sail. ([122])


The Botany Bay debate revisited:


One must also refer to the "Botany Bay debate" on Britain's settlement of Australia, a debate which has taken unexpected turns. Something of a wildcard in this debate has been the status of merchants (some of them being government contractors) associated with the despatch of convicts to early New South Wales. The whalers' strategy ought to be embraced in considerations of how Australia was first settled, and embraced not only because it was a strategy implicitly understood, agreed to, and aided, by senior government ministers. Evidence on the strategy conforms well with the evidence of England's maritime history between 1780 and 1800, whereas the terms of the Botany Bay debate do little to round out explanations of merchant and maritime activities.


Britain's senior ministers furthering the ambitions of the whalers were those also responsible for solving England's "convict problem" and to imply that these ministers were unaware of the whalers' strategy, is to imply that some of them had not personally met some of the whalers concerned, as at Board of Trade meetings, ([123]) is to say that the left hand did not know what the right hand was doing... ([124]) But any plans that merchants had developed about convict carriage from 1786 were blasted when Britain went to war with France in 1793. The numbers of ships moving into Sydney Harbour dropped. From the mid-1790s, Blackheath men who were usually associated with the East India Company began to interest themselves in convict carriage, possibly because the whalers, apart from St Barbe, were less active in seeking such business. These merchants with East India Company links were of two classes: -


(1) Small operators, master-owners or opportunists (including captains such as Dennott, one of the crueller convict carriers). ([125]) with few useful links to large merchant houses;



(2) Larger houses (mercantile capitalists) which after 1800 began to see the potential of sailing by Sydney before sailing north for East India trade. The smaller operators filled in the gap seen in shipping records from 1793 until after 1800, when the larger merchant houses, many with links to Lloyd's of London, became involved, though on a different institutional footing. In terms of their overall investments portfolios, most larger merchants involved had little reason to place reliance on their Australian business, and would have been unwilling to remain dependent on it - unless or until profits from Australian wool took up any slack.


For the smaller shipmen involved, it was risky. The commercial voyage to Sydney and beyond was longer than most voyages known. There was the risk of a convict uprising or mutiny. Trade in the new colony was undeveloped, currency was short and lines of credit were long in geographic and other senses. From a London point of view, regulations often had to be broken for any sort of trade to be carried on at all. But because of lack of information from ships logs, information is slight on the trading of the ships sailing from England to Sydney, then to India or China. In general, to about 1806, when St Barbe's involvement faded, convict shipping to Australia moved in several major phases...


(1) To about 1793, from when the Blackheath Connection first appeared... when the whalers made their explorations...


(2) To about 1798, when the whalers sailed elsewhere, when men with East India Connections, plus London Missionary Society/Blackheath connections, plus various small-timers, filled the gap... to about 1805...


(3) From about 1805, with the fresh involvement of larger merchants, once animosity between whalers and the East India Company had ceased...


(4) Toward 1815. With the end of the Napoleonic Wars, after 1815, convict shipping entered new and more stable phases, due partly larger convict numbers available for transportation. From then, merchants with the most diverse portfolios gained ascendancy in the "convict service", or, the Australian trade, to the point where the two kinds of business became almost indistinguishable. From the 1820s, it is best to see merchants involved in the convict service as engaged in emigration services and general trade, rather than frowned-on "convict contractors".


Duncan Campbell hears of the mutiny on HMAV Bounty:


The social history of Britain before 1800 is laced with shocking stories of cruelty, and many such stories find their way quite naturally into the early European history of Australia. Up till the 1930s in Australia, it was regarded by many as morbid to dwell on such stories. When it first moved onto film, the story of the mutiny on the Bounty was incorrectly thought to be associated with a brutal naval custom such as keel-hauling, hence the unwarranted reputation of Bligh as a sadistic flogger of men. On and on the stories of cruelty run, such as...


On 7 January, 1790 four convicts, two from Neptune, were sent back to hulks as their petitions for pardons were considered. An old convict, Gray, aged 60-70, had sworn after his trial he would not see Botany Bay. The Bristol Gazette reported on 7 January, 1790, that after being sent back to the Portsmouth hulk "the hardened wretch thrust a lancet into each of his eyes, whereby he totally deprived himself of sight. Far from being a "hardened wretch" the poor fellow was probably schizophrenic, certainly mentally ill, to engage in such self-mutilation. In Lancaster Gaol, a convict was found hanged after declaring he would rather die than go to Botany Bay, as The Bristol Gazette reported on 24 December, 1789. ([126]) Inmate deaths in custody were relatively common, and it is notable, there are almost no reports of suicides on the hulks, which is yet another anomaly in reports on hulks management, even after Campbell's time.


In another domain, incredible as it seems today, because of the way the Bligh legend has been written, Campbell in London on 6 January, 1790 was writing to his son Dugald hoping that his youngest son, (Little Duncan, aged nine) then on Jamaica, would be coming back to London with Bligh on Bounty. This was to be a very cheerful private use of a king's armed vessel, indeed!


Little Duncan's return was hoped-for fondly...


Campbell Letter 190:

London 6 Jan 1790

Dugald Campbell, Jamaica -

.....Since the above, I had had the great satisfaction of receiving my Dear Dugald's Letters of the 11 & 27 Oct, the favourable Accounts of the Weather therein conveyed was a very pleasing circumstance to me. I have read with attention that part of your letter touching the purchase of 60 or 70 Acres additional of Negroe Ground, adjoining to that of Saltspring, which you seem to think may be bought a Bargain. ... I have referred also to Mr brown's letter on the head of such a purchase & his letter seems to me to be very much to the purpose. ....

I will however contrary to my inclinations, to the laying out of further money in Jamaica, agree to the purchasing 60 or 70 Acres of the land which you so strongly recommend .... I have told him [Mr Brown] of my intention of giving you the sole management of my Jamaican Affairs, which I trust he will receive with becoming propriety .... I observe what you say about sending Duncan home with Bligh should he arrive in time. I am not so clear that Duncan will now at so early a period benefit by the change - he is not come the length of Nautical observations, nor will he be so well informed in Loading and Stowing a ship as in the Lynx now be so well accomodated: if however the departure of the two Ships was to happen nearly at the same time, in that case I should have no objection to Duncan coming home in the Bounty.

......Shift on your Account in the Britannia Capt Lamb. ([127])< /p>

As for William Richards... On 14 June, 1790 were sighted certificates signed by Lt. Shortland regarding the effectuality of the First Fleet transportation, implying Richards had still not been paid. Mentions was made of articles lost when Friendship was scuttled on her way home, and so Richards sought his monies. On 27 January, 1790, Richards requested payment for sundry coppers and hearths supplied to Botany Bay. ([128]) On 10 November, 1790, Lt. Shortland reported on a memorial from Friendship's owners. On 14 June, 1790, Richards made further applications on his Botany Bay claims, enclosing certificates from Lt. Shortland and Mr. Waters. So Richards languished, waiting for his money, missing out on the Second Fleet, and then the Third. Richards at the end of January 1790 was still requesting Treasury payments for the First Fleet. ([129]) It seems that government was deliberately being tardy in respect of a contract finalised before the end of 1786.


Writing to Dugald on 3 February, 1790, a month before he found out what had happened to Bligh, Campbell began:


Campbell Letter 191:

London 3 February 1790

To Dugald Campbell, Jamaica

......our prospect of evading storms which have on so many occassions blasted our hopes of a Crop at Saltg. ... I am glad to observe you are making the necessary exertions for succeeding Crops, I hope & trust with less attending expences. The quantity you expect this year I hope may be increased without overworking your Negroes, which is at all times to be avoided, as well from motives of humanity, as real benefit to our Interests. The folks who are for promoting the abolition of the Slave Trade, have now taken it up with as much Zeal as in the last Sessions: yet I cannot say I have no so great fear as many of my friends here seem to have; my relyance is than on the Ultimate Mature & important deliberations of the Legislature such dangerous consequences will open to their view affecting the Wealth and Commerce of their Country, as must call forth the Wisdom of Parliament to prevent so unpolitick an event from taking place. I have perused your letter of the 9 Nov to your Uncle Neil...[who had just died]

I shall begin to look on the Account of Duncan's arriving every day. Tho I have heard of Jack being safe arrived at Madrass, & being on the best terms with his Capt; yet I have no letter from himself; he has an arduous task on his hands. By the Accounts from Madrass the Chief Mate is mending but slowly. I think the Valentine is now on her passage home, & I flatter myself with the hope of seeing Jack in all May. ([130]) ([131]) ([132])< /p>


Campbell was considering giving Dugald the sole management of Saltspring. ([133]) Bligh's probable landing soon at Jamaica had been referred to in an earlier letter to Dugald - the assumption of course being there had been no interruption to Bounty's breadfruit voyage. Campbell did not feel that such an unpolitic event as the abolition of slavery, could in the wisdom of Parliament, occur.


Otherwise, Campbell was dubious about little Duncan coming home with Bligh on Bounty, as the lad might learn less, commercially. Unless perchance, Bounty left Jamaica in company with Lynx. Campbell directed Dugald to shift his own account in Britannia Capt. Lamb. As Campbell later found, Dugald had intended to put Little Duncan on Bounty for his voyage home... And there is no indication from Campbell's letters here that he had received Bligh's October letter to him from Batavia, before Bligh set foot back in England.


Campbell's reaction to Bligh's return:


Shortly, Campbell was visited by an angry Pacific hurricane. Bligh arrived back in England on 14 March, 1790, at the Isle of Wight, from Batavia via the Cape on the ship Vlydte. ([134]) Already he had written heart-broken letters to his wife, Betsy, and to Campbell, about losing Bounty. Soon he was on Campbell's Adelphi doorstep. Curiously, Campbell does not seem to have been upset about the outcome of the voyage, nor does he seem to have had any anxiety about any loss of face, as with The Royal Society, or the Society of Arts, or before West India merchants, due to the mutiny. The expression of outrage, it seems, was mostly left to Bligh.


The sensation caused when Bligh returned home greatly disturbed the development of an accurate picture of the Pacific's maritime history to date. The events of 1789, including Britain's decision to further pursue its creation of a convict colony by raising the NSW Corps and sending the Second Fleet, had much to do with the way both Australia, and Tahiti, were entered into international consciousness - and here one does not mean only European consciousness. Tahiti entered "history" because of Cook's first voyage of exploration, then with the Bounty voyage, plus some contacts by the French and Spanish, but not including the visit by Lady Penrhyn. Breadfruit was anyway destined to be ignored by slaves. ([135]) Was there anything that Bligh's 1930s biographer, Mackaness, ([136]) or others, may not have known about? ([137])


Campbell when he heard the news of the mutiny took it apparently calmly: no apoplexy. His nephew, Dr Campbell Betham, had recently graduated in medicine from the University of Edinburgh, then gone to Whitehaven to begin his practice. ([138]) Bligh's father-in-law, Betham, had died about 31 May, 1789. ([139]) His will, with one Robert Heywood assisting the executors, was dated 31 March, 1787. A document at the Isle of Man archives has someone applying for his post; his will was probated about 24 June, 1789. Campbell about the time Bligh returned was, initially at least, more interested in helping the Betham children with the execution of their father's will, and he wrote about the Betham estate to Betham's son Campbell. ([140]) Betham's will was a little peculiar. ([141]) Betham had not been wealthy, his wife Molly had predeceased him. (Curiously, Molly was never mentioned in her brother Duncan's letters to Betham). Betham had given a pledge for the payment of debts and legacies, to Robert Telly and Robert Heywood Esquire, both of Douglas, the Isle of Man. Betham gave everything to his daughter Anne and his doctor son Campbell - there was nothing for Harriott Colden or her two sons, and oddly enough, nothing for Bligh's wife, Elizabeth.


Campbell Letter 192:

London March 19, 1790

Dr Campbell Betham


I receive your letter of the 15th Inst - advising me of your having taken up your residence at Whitehaven & of your intentions to practice & for aspect of success in that place, which gives me much satisfaction. Nothing can contribute to that success more than a minute attention to your demeanour and address. Levity in every situation of Life is disgusting, but more particularly so in a Man of your profession. Let me convince you therefore to adopt a deportment suitable to the character you profess. & to study by all means to get into the good graces of the old ladies even more than the young, those of the last will naturally follow the first, to accomplish this you must yourself study the Graces. A Well bred Man will always meet with attention and respect. I send you herewith the Deed which you and your sister will sign, first filling up the dates in words, & return it to me as soon after as you please, you may draw for the money. I observe what you say as to the money you suppose to be owing to Mr. Kinlock. It was me who paid your Bill, but that you will settle when you can better afford it. I send you herewith a few letters the purport of which you will see by perusal, afterwards seal and deliver them or not as you may seem best. I think they can do no harm & may be of some service to you. Poor Bligh has come home without his Bounty, but I trust & hope his conduct will be so rewarded that upon the whole he will suffer but little. All my family desire to be remembered to you - I am ([142])< /p>


But it may have been that young Dr Betham was given to levity, and Duncan himself a little depressed. Duncan's brother Neil had died aged 66 on 23 February, previous, buried the 27th in Plumstead Churchyard. Yet, Campbell was shortly involved with Bligh's propagandising for a suitably vindicating aftermath to the mutiny. Why did Campbell take the news so quietly? As a man long-experienced in employing ships captains, he may not have been so impressed with Bligh's personality, and hence unsurprised at hearing of a mutiny? Another reason is possible. At the time in London, representatives of slaving interests in Parliament were defending their industries, claiming that the mortality of slaves on the Middle Passage was not as large as the loss in the transportation of British convicts (a reference to the Second Fleet atrocity)! (Slavers representatives in Parliament claimed that the mortality of slaves on the Middle Passage was not as large as the loss in the transportation of British convicts. ([143]) One does not imagine Campbell would have wished to buy into that argument, since he would have drawn attention to himself as the major convict contractor operating from London till 1775, whilst as hulks overseer he avoided publicity at all costs.


If Campbell did feel that any of his prestige had been damaged in public because of the mutiny, he had other reasons to lie low. His former employee, a nobody named Fletcher Christian, had taken a king's ship, generating indignation amongst officials. The Royal Society was scarcely amused. Finally, George III and the navy sent off HM Pandora on a punitive expedition to capture the mutineers. Did it matter to Campbell that the British Creditors were meeting again.


Campbell was concerned again about American debts. By 1790, the merchants of London and Glasgow had formed a joint committee to solicit aid from the British Government in debt recovery. Some London activists were Campbell, South Carolina merchant John Nutt ([144]) and William Molleson. Campbell sat first as the chairman of the committee, ([145]) but Molleson appears to have been the most active merchant and most letters were sent by Molleson, or Molleson and Nutt. The Glasgow representatives were Robert Findlay, Alexander Oswald and Gilbert Hamilton. The committee deciding on applying for reimbursement from Government. This was refused. ([146])


In late 1790, a merchant committee prepared a list of all pre-war debts owed from persons in the United States of America to merchants in England and Scotland, presented to William Pitt on 5 February, 1791. ([147]) This information showed James Russell was owed some 36,871 (3291 from Virginia and 33,580 from Maryland). Others owed were tobacco merchants Christopher Court and Thomas Eden, owed 2611 in Virginia including interest and 27,188 in Maryland, Duncan Campbell 25,635 in Virginia and 12,5000 in Maryland, William and Robert Molleson 4161 in Virginia and 66,878 in Maryland, and Mildred and Roberts 3271 in Virginia and 52,897 in Maryland, and John and Gilbert Buchanan in Virginia and 73,384 in Maryland. In 1773, Christopher Court (a London tobacco trader) was said to have been owed 120,000 by the Americans. Collections were more difficult in Virginia. London houses were less badly off than Glasgow houses, as they dealt more with Maryland where collections were far easier than in recalcitrant Virginia. ([148])


During April-July, 1790, Justitia hulk was to be repaired. Campbell before 12 January, 1790 had been looking over a vessel, Prudentia, regarding her as a possible hulk. He bought her on 12 January from James Piercy of Bridge Street and William Smith at Limehouse. Later, Campbell was sourly trying to contact Smith and Piercy again, to obtain proof from them of the date of his purchase of Prudentia. He had been approached by a sailor named Anderson, who had brought a suit against him for unpaid wages. Anderson claimed he had been in Campbell's employ on Prudentia before 14 July, 1789 on a voyage to Ostend. Campbell wished to be rid of the man by proving he had not owned Prudentia. And by about then, Campbell was also compelled to beseech yet again, from "nothing but real necessity", to government for the payment of monies owed him for the employment of his hulks. (Prudentia was still in government employ after 1803 when Campbell died).


Whatever Campbell thought about the mutiny, he was keen to see Bligh's words published. The aftermath of the Bounty mutiny has been treated with more passion than was warranted. Generations of writers have exercised their wits on the legends, screen writers have agonised over niceness of portrayal, and many have wondered why Bligh's personality was such a magnet for mutiny. Bligh certainly deserves a place in maritime history for his magnificent open boat voyage to Timor. Yet it also seems that Campbell never again alluded to the mutiny in family letters written after the early 1790s.


One Londoner who knew Jamaica was keen to know more. Campbell was then associated with the London charity for Scots, the Scottish Corporation. On 17 March, Bligh was presented to George III in company with Sir Joseph Banks. The same day, Campbell wrote to a man who had nominated him (Campbell) for a seat on the board of the Scottish Corporation (a charity chartered by Charles II for the relief of poor natives of North Britain not entitled to any parochial relief in England). This was Lt. General Melville of Brewer St., who invited Campbell to dine on the 20th. Melville, a member of the West India merchants' lobby group, was curious about news of Bligh's return and may have wanted to report to the lobby group. So he invited Campbell to dinner? That same day, 17 March, Campbell replied to Melville, ([149]) declining the invitation, as on the 20th he had to chair a meeting of the British Creditors.


Campbell Letter 193:

Adelphi 17th March, 1790

Lieut. Gen. Melville Brewer Street

I had the honour to receive your very polite letter & kind Card of invitation to dine at Brewer Street on Sunday on which day being engaged I am deprived of the pleasure of waiting upon you. The approbation you are pleased to express of the little services I have been enabled to render the Scottish Corporation is very flattering to me. I cheerfully accept the honour done by me by your Nomination & will endeavour to merit a continuance of your favourable opinion in the execution of that office to which you have recommended me. With great Respect and Regard I have the honor to be Dear Sir ([150])< /p>


Presumably this was the same Melville, the inventor of the carronade gun, whose gardens at St. Vincent were intended to house transplanted breadfruit. ([151])


But as a public relations story, the mutiny gave Bligh an opening as the naval man, adventure-loving, loyal to the King, animated by a profound abhorrence of any breach of naval discipline, any affront to the King. It was now a far cry from the day of Bligh's outrage at the mutiny, the day of the cry of the desperate emotions, almost suicidal before the mutiny, of the too-much-insulted Manxman, of Fletcher Christian, complaining at the way he had been used, "I am in hell". It was the cry of revenge and vindication Bligh now heard - his own cry.


Meanwhile, Little Duncan arrived home by Lynx in April 1790. Later, Lynx was taken to Madras by Duncan's son, John. Later, one of the Bounty mutineers hanged was Thomas Ellison, ([152]) Campbell's favourite whom Bligh was asked to look after. By 7 April, 1790, Campbell was writing to Dugald again... Bligh was just then at Duncan's elbow and would write to Dugald:


Campbell Letter 193a:

London April 7, 1790

To Dugald Campbell Jamaica -

...Boyick also sent you a copy of Bligh's letter to me with the heads of his misfortune A Narrative of his voyage from Otaheite - will speedily be published which I will send you. Bligh is now at my Elbow & means to write you by this Packet, he expects & will certainly obtain promotion, but that cannot take place till a Court Martial is held upon him which cannot be done till the People at Batavia arrive: these are expected in all May; about that time I flatter myself with the hope of seeing Jack, ....


* * *


Master of the Bounty, John Fryer, arrived with others in England on 7 October. Fryer shortly went to visit a distant relative of Fletcher and Edward Christian, John Christian at No. 10 Strand, an address close to Campbell's Adelphi address. By that time, Bligh's own account of the mutiny was in the hands of Sir Joseph Banks, probably read by other Fellows and members of The Royal Society.


Meanwhile, William Bligh would be baying loudly at the moon of Fletcher Christian's betrayal. (The British Creditors' committee met again on 22 February, 1790 with Grenville, and with Pitt on 20 March, 1790, with no success. The debate went on until the conclusion of the Jay treaty in 1794.)


The whalers and the Third Fleet:


The 11-ship Third Fleet with 1820 British convicts and 200 Irish was mounted between the date of the contract, 18 November, 1790 and sailing from 27 March, 1791; although Mary Ann Capt. Mark Munroe sailed alone with 150 female prisoners on 16 February, 1791. Five or six of the Third Fleet ships were chartered to Camden, Calvert and King to trade in Bombay cotton on private account, after government had written to the Company. (To Thomas Morton, the 1790 Company secretary ([153]) The other ships would sail in the developing South Whale Fishery. ([154]) For this fleet - and the contract was very thick - Calvert's firm was paid up to 44,658/13/9d, and their own ships carried about 30,000 worth of specie aboard. ([155]) ([156]) This was a considerable sum, in great contrast to the minimal resources of the NSW colony, which had no currency to speak of, and early suffered near-starvation. This sum of 30,000 would not include money carried on the Third Fleet whaling ships. ([157]) ([158]) ([159]) ([160])


There should never have been a time when the NSW government was unaware of which merchants were taking contracts to transport felons. But there were times when governors seemed to be unaware of which merchants were transporting felons, from the time of the Third Fleet; when Governor Phillip was confused about whaling matters.


The cruelty meted to the Second Fleet convicts was not repeated with the Third Fleet, nor did Calvert and Co. send any more ships, with or without convicts, to Sydney after the Third Fleet. (Calvert as a loner took only one more contract). ([161]) Except for alleged short rations for the Irish convicts on Queen, the Third Fleet was "no news is good news". Healthy and safe, it provoked little comment. As the Third Fleet convicts were gathered, the whalers convened with government. In January 1791, the committee for trade received a memorial from the South whalers regarding voyages to North-west America. ([162]) On 2 January, 1791, Alexander Champion contacted Lord Hawkesbury at the Board of Trade about Capt. Joshua Coffin, a Nantucketeer came home on Champion's ship, Lord Hawkesbury, with a quantity of ambergris, from a female sperm whale caught on the Guinea coast of Africa. Otherwise, Enderby and Champion would wait on Hawkesbury on 8 January, 1791. Sydenham Teast of Bristol, whaler, had written to the Board of Trade to discover how to carry on the Trade & Fishery with benefit to himself but without infringing (the Nootka) Convention". By 17 January, 1791, Nepean was contacting Steele at treasury about the Third Fleet ships Admiral Barrington, Albermarle, Active, and their charter parties. Men from HM ships at Chatam would guard the convicts on their arrival at Spithead, later to be relieved by men of the NSW Corps.


On 20 January, 1791, Enderbys, St. Barbe and Champion attended a meeting of the Committee for Trade and Plantations to seek explanations of their rights under the Nootka convention. ([163]) They wanted premiums extended to any vessels carrying convicts to NSW. The Committee wanted technical information on whale oil use for policy development. Matters were referred to the government. ([164])


Irish remarks on the resumption of transportation:


On 5 January, 1791, Nepean answered Steele's letter of 27th Ult, about Queen, engaged to carry out Irish convicts. ([165]) On 26 February, 1791, The Freeman's Journal of Dublin reported, "the jailer of Limerick set off for Cork with a number of prisoners, where a large transport is waiting to carry all the convicts in the Kingdom to Botany Bay." The paper noted, women seemed more keen to go than the men. And in Cork's Cove awaited Queen. Of course, all the convicts in the kingdom were not intended for transportation at that time, but 133 men and 22 women plus 4 children were assembled. A receipt dated 11 April, 1791 was signed by the Naval Agent and given to the Mayor and Sheriff of City of Cork, Sir Henry Brown Hayes Kt (later himself to be a convict for NSW, transported, respited from death, after he had abducted a wealthy Quaker heiress, Mary Pike, in 1797).


Here, the relevant indent list did not reach Sydney till eight years after these convicts had arrived. Documentation on Irish convicts was generally poor. Later were two transports from Ireland in 1792, one in 1793, one in 1796, but mysteriously the contracts have either remained in unknown locations or been lost. Governor Hunter at Sydney complained of the manner of transportation from Ireland as "so extremely careless and irregular". Boddingtons when she sailed for William Richards in 1792 had a large number of men from Ulster, agrarian numbers of the Defenders, and Peep-of-Day Boys. Three-quarters of the men on Richards' ship Sugar Cane had been tried in Dublin or Cork.


On Queen was James Blake, 12, from Dublin, who stole a pair of silver buckles, and died four months after arriving at Sydney. Queen's passengers were given short rations, there was a shortage of salted provisions, and much storage space was taken up with stores belonging to ship's officers, to be sold profitably in the colony. ([166]) The Irish historian, Costello, feels all this reflected lack of organisation in the management of the transportation. ([167]) It should be said, the contract for the transportation by Queen is almost the only contract which can be found for any transportation of Irish convicts, the details of which remain a conundrum. Without access to the relevant contracts, it is impossible to say just what arrangements were made between the Irish and British governments, financially or otherwise, for transportation - which became one severe British answer to the Irish rising of 1798.


After 1789, some Irish officials handling the under-budgeted Irish transportation included the Sheriff of Cork, from January 1801, one Dr Harding. Dr Edward Trevor was the superintendent of convicts at Kilmainham, the later Inspector of Irish hulks and Prison Inspector. Sir Jerome Fitzpatrick, Irish-born in Westmeath, and Inspector-General of Prisons in Britain, is noted for his worries about the lack of supervision in the transportation of Irish felons. ([168]) In time, as part of the worrying collection, overall, of complaints extant about convict contractors, he would remark that all the convict officials, the doctors, contractors and other officers, were leagued together in a system of favours and defalcation - though he never seems to have proved so much amiss. (In August 1798, General Nugent at Belfast suggested some prisoners be invited to "transport themselves to America". Some in fact were sent/did go to America). The Irish government decided to follow the British government and estimated it would cost 70 per head to send a convict to Botany Bay.


London contractors associated with NSW:


Mysteries lived on, as in House of Commons Journal. Parliamentary grumbles were to arise about the cost of supporting the Botany Bay colony, but the total expence for the relief of American Loyalists (appeared to have been) 1,336,377. ([169]) (An estimate for army expence for a permanent peace establishment in Canada and Nova Scotia was noted to be 32,000-33,000 only).


Alexander Davison was to be reimbursed for provisions supplied, and not yet made good by Parliament, 16,755; and ditto to James Neave and Rawson Aislabie, nine months provisions for 2000 people, 10,032. (Neither of Neave or Aislabie had any special interests in dealing with NSW.) Davison was also given 766 for reimbursement for the purchase of 500 casks of hemp seed consigned to Lord Dorchester, for the use of HM subjects in Canada. In 1790-1791 were the first divisions of costs for the East India Company Army. From March 1789, Turnbull Macaulay and Gregory were owed 170, 136 for victualling people in Canada. ([170]) (One Thomas Everett vittled Gibraltar). Davison made arrangements to send out some skilled free men, but when mysteries of the convict contracting system annoyed him, he withdrew, having much bigger fish to fry. The mention of interests in flax in Canada are in great contrast to the references some Australian historians make about "flax in NSW" being part of any Imperial plan to use Australian resources to create naval stores. All efforts to establish flax production in Australia and on Norfolk Island failed.


Davison's freight to NSW is listed in the 1793-1794 Navy Office Accounts, ([171]) and amounted to about 31,139. Due to complaints in 1793 about the costs of the convict colony, Treasury secretary George Rose compiled the Navy Office Accounts, among which are details on monies allocated London merchants who had engaged in transporting convict to NSW. ([172]) Note: Parliamentary concern producing these Navy Office Accounts is illustrated by figures on the volume of Treasury Bills received at Treasury for NSW costs: 1790, 13,064; ([173])


Item: There departed England 15 March, 1790, with 31 male convicts, Teneriffe, St. Jago and Cape where she stayed six weeks getting livestock, HM Gorgon, which arrived at Sydney on 21 September, 1790. ([174])


* * *



On Martinez and Spanish fury at Nootka:


Endnote1: In the summer of 1789, as HM Guardian prepared to sail, Joseph Banks received a letter from Archibald Menzies, dated 14 July, from Prince of Wales, off the Isle of Wight after her three-year voyage to Nootka. Just then, Dixon and Portlock were publishing their Voyage. book. Menzies later sailed again on a sloop of war, with a tender, Chatam, Capt. William Broughton; she was to sail with Discovery Capt. Henry Roberts, who had earlier been out with Cook and George Vancouver. But the sailing dates of these ships were chopped up in the Nootka Controversy. ([175]) The Spanish, slow to react as they had been, were (allegedly) alarmed at the British spread in the Pacific, so they sent warships under Don Esteban Jose Martinez to challenge British settlement at Nootka. By January 1790, the news of the arrest of the British ships at Nootka had got to London, and Carter says the Discovery was absorbed into a Pitt-ite plan to use Botany Bay as a base for the protection of Nootka, which meant Discovery would sail to Botany Bay with HM Gorgon. ([176]) And from there under orders from Governor Phillip, with reinforcements from Botany Bay, to sail to Hawaii to await a frigate from the Indies squadron, by the end of April 1790. Discovery was almost ready for sea when Cabinet suddenly sent an ultimatum to Madrid backed by the mobilization of a large fleet, and there was a year's controversy. And at this point, the Spanish Ambassador to St James was Marquis del Campo di Alange, owner of the Negritti cabana of fine merinos.


Later, the Anglo-Spanish Convention was signed at Madrid on 28 October, 1790, requiring a British officer to go out to receive from the Spanish a formal surrender of the site at Nootka, so the expedition by Discovery and Chatam was revived. In April 1790, Capt. Roberts was replaced by Vancouver, but Chatam Capt. William Broughton was not ready until January 1791. Sir Joseph Banks set to commenting during February 1791 with draft instructions updated from old instructions given years before to Cook. ([177]) The entire exercise smacks merely of the old British fantasy of annoying the Spanish around America. ([178]) Wagner conveys, ([179]) Britain used the Nootka controversy to force the Spaniards to abandon their claims without prospect of compromise. Britain of course was better organised with ships and could easily have stretched Spain's maritime resources. ([180]) Deutsch regards the Spanish as "bloating" their claims to a sovereign jurisdiction based on the old Papal permissions over territory. ([181])


With the Nootka Crisis, interpretation is a matter of taste. One historian, Wagner, has called it a mountain made out of a molehill. ([182]) Others wish to see it as a sign of tense European rivalry in the Pacific. The Spanish were lethargic in reacting, and much of the "crisis" was mere sabre-rattling. Very few London merchants were involved, some were whalers who have remained little researched by British historians. Presences as well as absences in history both speak their mind. Two London aldermen interested in Nootka, Curtis and Macaulay, have been written out of Pacific history for their pains, and this has never disturbed anybody unduly. Maybe this is, indeed, testimony to the view: the Nootka Crisis was indeed a mountain made out of a molehill.


Endnote2: After the Second Fleet in London: reasons for the spoiling of maritime history:


"You will I think on consideration be of opinion that unless there had been whaling ships to carry out the first convicts to Sydney, that the Government would have been obliged to select some nearer spot for the convicts..."

George Enderby in 1875, to the younger of his family. (By 1875, the Enderby family were a spent force in shipping.)

(Quoted in Dakin, Whalemen Adventurers, p. 136).


After the Second Fleet sailed, the commercial and maritime interests of London-based merchants who had an eye on Australasian waters also had their eyes on places as far-flung as Milford Haven in Wales ([183]) to Bombay, from India and China, to the western coasts of North and South America. And if the well-disciplined East India Company traders in London - and their captains at sea - had taken more interest in Sydney, information would be more coherent today.


Crime and Punishment is an engrossing theme. Historians otherwise considering land-based questions, wondering what had happened, but not describing it in full, have tended to ignore maritime history. Over two centuries, the Australian population concentrated in cities. Perversely, Australian writers were acclaimed when they had ignored complex, inter-dependent urban life and celebrated the life of so-called self-reliance in the isolated Australian bush. Paradoxically, as literary tradition, and for many reasons, White Australia, often populating coastal areas, shrank from the broader sea as much as it shrank from admitting the dispossession of Aboriginals, or admitting convict ancestry in the family, or even celebrating urban joys. Perhaps appropriately in a new land that began as a convict colony, which took in migrants, where in Blainey's famous phrase, the tyranny of distance often ruled, where climate, fire and flood often disciplined life severely, where life often had to be built from scratch, and even for the wealthy as well as those less affluent, a strong Australian literary theme, underlying, became not terms of endearment, nor even terms of real justice, but terms of employment.


* * *


[Finis Chapter 39]

Words 20321 words and footnotes 25656 pages 44 footnotes 183


[1] Dallas, Trading Posts, p. 67; Mackay, Exile, p. 77.

[2] On Swallow: Mackay, Exile, pp. 74ff. Also Rhys Richards, `The Cruise of the Kingston and the Elligood in 1800 and the Wreck Found on King Island in 1802', The Great Circle, Vol. 13, No 1, 1991., p. 35 and elsewhere.

[3] Mackay, Exile, p. 77.

[4] T1/668, No. 894; 8 May, 1789

[5] 20 April, 1789: Richards' offer, Treasury Board Papers, TI/671. 24 April, 1789, Lord Sydney's firm orders on the destination of Richards' ship Lady Juliana. See T1/667.

[6] Sir George Young's nephew was then on Bounty, nine days away from the mutiny.

[7] Call and Young should be considered as merely armchair colonists. Admiral Sir George Young, (1732-1810), FRS, spouse of Anne Battie, sister of the wife Philadelphia of Young's friend, Sir John Call, before Young married one of Call's daughters. GEC, Peerage, Castle Stewart, p. 98. Also, GEC, Creations after 1901, Kennet, p. 55. Young's patron was the Prince of Wales. Young wanted to settle Madagascar, but this was vetoed by the East India Company. Frost, Convicts and Empire, p. 12, pp. 21ff, pp. 47-48, pp. 106-107, p. 203; Young had up to four tours of duty on the African station and coast. He perhaps met James Matra there. Also, Robert King, `Ports of Shelter and Refreshment', p. 200. Sir John Call (1732-1801), MP, FRS, was born at Tiverton, Devon, spouse of Philadelphia Batty. In a recent Ph.D. thesis, Maxine Lorraine Darnell, The Chinese Labour Trade to New South Wales. 1783-1853: An Exposition of Motives and Outcomes. University of New England, Armidale, Australia. January 1997., we find that Call also suggested ideas of taking Chinese coolies to Australasia, a matter earlier excluded from discussion within "the Botany Bay debate"; and see Darnell, p. 13. David Mackay, `Banished to Botany Bay, the fate of the relentless historian', Australian Historical Studies, Vol. 25, April-October, 1992, p. 215. Darnell's thesis, p. 13, notes Call by 1761 had been an engineer-general in the East India Company service, which however does not explain how he became a large creditor of the Nabob of Arcot. Call as engineer at Madras had "worked closely with Clive" and amassed a fortune. GEC, Peerage, Aylmer, p. 370. Namier and Brooke, The History of Parliament: The House of Commons, 1754-1790, Vol. 2, p. 176. Call went blind in 1795. (The definitive work on the debts of the Nawbab of Arcot is said to be J. D. Gurney, The Debts of the Nawbab of Arcot, 1763-1776., Oxford Ph.D., 1968.) Duncan Campbell wrote to Call about felons on 20 April, 1789. H. Richmond, The Navy in India, 1763-1783. London, Ernest Benn, 1931. In 1784, Call suggested to Hastings in Bengal that two ships go for fur to the north-west coast of America; in 1784-1785, the firm Etches became interested in a similar venture, their ideas gained from reports from Cook's third voyage. Call also resurrected the old fantasy of bothering the Spanish, suggesting convicts go to NSW to harrass the Spanish across the Pacific, and in mid-1785 he wanted to colonize Norfolk Island. Call also looked into the state of the Royal Forests as "naval stores". He knew Paul Benfield, another of the major creditors of the Nabob of Arcot. In 1784 Call became a partner in bank the Pybus and Co. of 148 New Bond St. In sum, his ideas were simply a grab-bag of possibilities.

[8] Campbell Letter No 184: Duncan Campbell Letterbooks, Vol. 6: Transcript from ML A3230, p. 63: The addressee was probably John Call, armchair coloniser with Matra, unsuccessfully calling for the colonisation of the South Pacific in 1783-1784.

[9] Sir Archibald Campbell, governor of Madras (1739-1791): English DNB.

[10] John Maxwell, HMS Bounty. London, Jonathan Cape, 1977., p. 17 Bligh noted that Christian suffered excessively sweating hands, and soiled everything he touched. Excessive sweating of the hands can afflict about one per cent of people. The disorder is hyperhidrosis, today possibly cured by cutting the sweat glands of the hands or feet, though mild electric shocks can temporarily shut down the sweat glands. Some amelioration of the condition is also available from the heart drug, diltiazem. On the Bounty mutiny, see an article in The Weekend Australian newspaper, 8-8-1987.

[11] Betham's opponents, Mylrea and Quayle, are quoted in Sheila Lambert, (Ed.), Sessional Papers of the Eighteenth Century, Vol. 66, p. 381, et seq and in List to the same, Vol. II, 1761-1810, p. 153. Mackaness, Life of Bligh, variously.

[12] Flynn, Second Fleet, pp. 17ff.

[13] Ruth Campbell, `NSW and Gloscester Journal', cited earlier.

[14] Jackson, Whaling, p. 104.

[15] 1793 Navy Office Accounts, HRNSW, Vol. 2, pp. 38ff.

[16] Offer of Welbank Sharpe and Browne, TI/671. In 1801 there sailed to NSW Welbank Sharpe and Browne's convict transports Canada, Minorca and Nile. Bateson, The Convict Ships, pp. 13-14. Brown, Welbank and Petyt also had contracts for the convict transports Coromandel and Perseus in 1801.

[17] P. A. Pemberton, The London Connection, pp. 60-62.

[18] Flynn, Second Fleet, pp. 104-108. Also, Hume's ADB entry.

[19] Jacob Price, `One Family's Empire', p. 207

[20] Campbell to his American agent John Rose, Virginia, 1 July, 1789; Campbell for the British Creditors to Mr. Smith about seeing Pitt, 25 June, 1789; Campbell to Austin Brockenbrough in Leeds Town, Virginia, 6 May, 1789. Campbell also in this period wrote to Russell at Baltimore, Maryland, and his old attorney in Maryland, Matthew Ridley. Campbell pursued matters in 1790. Campbell to Joseph Smith for Pitt's ear, 18 Feb., 1790, a minute on the British Creditors; Campbell to Stephenson, Randolph and Cheston, Bristol, 3 March, 1790.

[21] Ridley: Klingelhofer, `Ridley Diary', earlier cited, pp. 95ff. On the death of Mackett Jnr. see Campbell to William Russell, Maryland, 7 July, 1792.

[22] Jacob Price, `One Family's Empire', pp. 210ff.

[23] Manx Papers, as cited in earlier chapters. A collector of customs at the Isle of Man, was the father of MP William Grant, which William had an uncle, Robert Grant, involved in the Canadian fur trade. It seems likely this man, Grant, succeeded Richard Betham as collector on the island, after 1789. Christie, Non-elite MPs, p. 91.

[24] I am grateful to Anthony Twist for drawing to my attention that Patrick Colquhuon wrote (a) Case of the British Merchants who Traded to America previous to the Late War. 1787, and (b) A Representation of the Facts Relevant to the Sufferings and Losses of the Merchants Residing in Great Britain who carried on Trade to the United States of America previous to the Revolution. 1789. On Colquhuon generally: See Campbell to Colquhuon, 1793: a note, nd, 1793 DCL; and Campbell to Colquhuon, 14 December, 1793 DCL. Patrick Colquhuon, of Kelvingrove: LLD, 1797. Born Dumbarton, 14 March, 1745. Died 25 April, 1820. Merchant in Virginia, 1761-1766, and Glasgow, 1766-89. Lord Provost of Glasgow, 1782-84. Founded Glasgow Chamber of Commerce, 1783. Moved to London in 1792. Westminster JP. Stipendiary Magistrate of Thames Police Court. Originator of Thames police system. Colquhuon's 1805 book was A Treatise On The Police Of The Metropolis. (pp. 454, 455, 462) recorded that in 19 years, 7,999 convicts were given hard labour on hulks Thames, Langston and Portsmouth. (As noted in David S. Macmillan, `The Beginning of Scottish Enterprise in Australia: The Contribution of the Commercial Whigs', The Bulletin of the Business Archives Council Of Australia, Vol. 2, No. 2, Aug. 1962., pp. 95-105). Colquhuon had a dismissive opinion of the people and colony at NSW. He supported Dundas' views on Scotland, and viewed colonisation as an outlet for shipping.

[25] Mackay, Exile, p. 23.

[26] Mackay, Exile, p. 23.

[27] Yonge To Treasury, 20 May, 1789, HRNSW, Vol. 1, Part 2, p. 231. Flynn, Second Fleet, pp. 35ff.

[28] On HM Guardian, see Bateson, The Convict Ships, pp. 124ff.

[29] Flynn, Second Fleet, pp. 17ff.

[30] Flynn cites HRNSW, Vol. 1, Part 2, p. 231; HRNSW, Vol. 2, pp. 43, 249. Flynn, Second Fleet, pp. 35ff.

[31] HRA, Vol. 1, series 1, p. 120, and PRO CO201/5. Flynn, Second Fleet, pp. 26ff.

[32] Campbell to Mr. Smith, 25 June, 1789. A3230; ML microfilm Roll No CY 1141.

[33] Campbell on 25 June, 1789 to William Ball who on April 1 owed Campbell 818/7/9d.

[34] Note to Campbell Letter No. 185: Smith here was secretary to prime minister Pitt.

[35] Thomas Shelton's first contract. PRO, AO 3/291.

[36] Bateson, The Convict Ships, pp. 122ff.

[37] Flynn, Second Fleet, p. 26.

[38] Second Fleet papers from the personal archives of Henry Dundas Viscount Melville are held by the Story of Sydney Museum, The Rocks, Sydney. Flynn, Second Fleet, pp. 24ff. These Temple-Grenville brothers were cousins of prime minister Pitt, sons of prime minister George Temple and descendants of financier John Temple of Stowe. GEC, Peerage, Buckingham, p. 407; Grenville, p. 115.

[39] Bateson, The Convict Ships, pp. 20, 43, 120-122. Flynn, Second Fleet, p. 17.

[40] Flynn, Second Fleet, p. 19.

[41] Campbell Letter 186: Duncan Campbell Letterbooks: Semple was Major Semple-Lisle, the notorious swindler later transported to NSW on the Lady Shore Capt. J. Willcocks in 1797-1798. The vessel was hijacked by the military guard and taken to South America.

[42] T1/671. House of Commons Journal, Vol. 46, p. 577, to Alexander Davison for reimbursement for purchase of 500 casks of hemp seed consigned to Lord Dorchester for use of HM subjects in Canada.

[43] T1/761.

[44] On 9 June, 1789, Thomas Townshend was created Viscount Sydney of St Leonards.

[45] Flynn, Second Fleet, pp. 25ff. Flynn details all victualling and other requirements of the contract.

[46] T1/677, No. 203.

[47] Flynn, Second Fleet, p. 75.

[48] Lloyd's Register, 1791. House of Commons Journal, Vol. 48, [1792-1793], p. 295, details some reimbursements to merchants for supplying NSW: To Alexander Davison, re clothing, stores, 31,139. To Neave and Aislabie, provisions, 17,256. To William Chinnery by order of [Gov.] Phillip, 6,802,10/4 (?) plus other, 56,370/15/8d. Davison's freight to NSW is mentioned in the 1793-1794 Navy Office Accounts, HRNSW, Vol. 1, pp. 39ff, and pp. 220ff, and amounted to about 31,139.

[49] Board of Trade Papers, BT5/6, Meeting of 15 Feb., 1790. In House of Commons Journal, Vol. 52, [1796-1797], p. 168, Messrs Turnbull and Co., [no mention of G. M. Macaulay] were reimbursed for wheat purchased by them by Order of Commissioners of Treasury, about 46,000 for the period Jan.-July, 1796.

[50] Valerie Hope, Lord Mayor, p. 137.

[51] British Library, State Papers. (Information per Michael Banks, in litt. 12-12-1987)

[52] Dallas, Trading Posts, p. 42.

[53] British Library, State Papers; I am grateful to Michael Banks for drawing this to my attention. On the Nootka Convention: Dallas, Trading Posts, p. 41; W. P. Morrell, Britain in the Pacific Islands. Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1960., p. 28. Steven, Trade, Tactics and Territory, pp. 53ff; and on whalers' groups in London, pp. 60-62; p. 79.

[54] Jackson, Whaling, p. 104.

[55] Source: The original letter on display at the NSW State Public Library, 3-5-1989, for the Bicentenary of the Bounty mutiny. Mackaness, Life of Bligh, Vol. 1.

[56] T1/671, No. 1632.

[57] 27 Aug., 1789, contract with George Whitlock, Flynn cites the contract as PRO CO201/6/273. Flynn, Second Fleet, p. 27. 27 August, 1789, Bateson, The Convict Ships, p. 20, pp. 31-32, p. 69, p. 127 contracts with George Whitlock of Crutched Friars, London, for Camden, Calvert and King, of ships departed 19 Jan.,1790.

[58] Shelton's Contracts: Camden, Calvert and King and the controversy over the handling of the Second Fleet convicts are treated in Flynn, Second Fleet, pp. 26ff.

[59] PRO Adm108/1d, Admiralty to Navy Board, 25 Aug., 1789; warrant, Navy Board to Shapcote, 27 Aug. 1789, BL acc and papers 1792, xxxv 751, p. 63; Navy Board to Shapcote at Cork, 6 Feb., 1788, Adm106/2347/122.

[60] HRNSW, Vol. 2, p. 462. Flynn, Second Fleet, pp. 49ff.

[61] Yonge's administration at the Cape was examined in 1802 and found to have been corrupt.

[62] Bateson, The Convict Ships, pp. 126-136, p. 145, and variously; HRNSW, Vol. 2, p. 462.

[63] HRNSW, Vol. 1, part 2, pp. 346ff. The flax and naval stores issue is presented in articles in Martin, Founding, variously.

[64] Flynn, Second Fleet, p. 346. Hume: ADB. Bateson, The Convict Ships, pp. 124ff.

[65] One of Henry Bradley's last reports was 26 March, 1789, T1/667, No. 591. See also, 10 Sept., 1789 in Dawson, The Banks Letters, p. 308, Enderbys to Joseph Banks. TI/671, 10 Sept., 1789.

[66] Flynn cites HRNSW, Vol. 2, p. 426; Flynn, Second Fleet, p. 26 and elsewhere.

[67] Flynn, Second Fleet, pp. 26ff.

[68] Kennedy, Bligh, p. 130.

[69] Quoted in Mackaness, Life Of Bligh, Vol. 1, pp. 218-219.

[70] During April 1989 was observed the bicentenary of the mutiny on the Bounty. Two exhibitions were mounted on this subject, modestly in Sydney, at the New South Wales State Public Library, and spectacularly at the National Maritime Museum in Greenwich, London.

[71] Mackaness, Life of Bligh, Vol. 1, p. 165.

[72] Flynn, Second Fleet, p. 29.

[73] Mackay, Exile, pp. 77-79.

[74] Grenville's letter: Mackay, Exile, pp. 77ff.

[75] Rhys Richards, `Cruise of the Kingston and the Elligood', p. 43.

[76] Jackson, Whale, p. 104.

[77] Mackay, Exile, p. 79.

[78] Flynn cites PRO HO42/15/302, in his Second Fleet, p. 29.

[79] Mackay, Exile, p. 23.

[80] PRO HO42/15/264, Duke of Richmond to Home Dept.; Flynn, Second Fleet, p. 30.

[81] Neptune Capt. Thos. Gilbert, earlier of the First Fleet's Charlotte. Gilbert was preparing a book entitled Journal of a Voyage from Port Jackson, New South Wales to Canton in 1788 Through an Unexplored Passage, which was published by J. Debrett of Picadilly just before the Second Fleet sailed. Gillen, Founders, p. 142. This Gilbert is not to be confused with the Capt. Gilbert replaced by Donald Trail.

[82] Flynn, Second Fleet, p. 35.

[83] Here, Hogan was associated with names such as Jorgen Jorgenson, and John Black, the latter associated with some of the first commercial uses of Bass Strait.

[84] Hogan: Entry in Australian Encyclopedia, 1958 edition.

[85] Flynn, Second Fleet, p. 30.

[86] Mackay, Exile, p. 109, Note 17; BT6/95.

[87] Flynn, Second Fleet, pp. 32ff.

[88] The name [Hamilton?] also appears in minor records in July 1787, associated with the whalers [P. E.] Mestairs, James Moore of Surrey, John Leach and James Dunn. Lt. Shapcote's son came out on Justinian, only to see his father die. Flynn, Second Fleet, variously. Justinian, 398 tons, was built two years before at Blackwall.

[89] PRO HO35/10; HO36/6; Adm 106/3407/377; PRO T1/673, cited in Flynn, Second Fleet, p. 32.

[90] Flynn, Second Fleet, pp. 30ff. Also, on 23 November, 1789, (Home Office communication), there was a transportation of convicts from Spithead to Dublin, 1 folio. There may have been more convict ship movements than are yet known about; see Adm1/4154-52.

[91] Flynn, Second Fleet, p. 38.

[92] Flynn, Second Fleet, cites Trail to Camden, Calvert and King, 19 Nov., 1789, PRO T1/674.

[93] Flynn cites [PRO Adm 106/2943 - masters' letters]. and T1/674.

[94] Warrant to Shapcote, PRO CO 201/5 and HRNSW, Vol. 2, p. 437. Flynn, Second Fleet, p. 65.

[95] Flynn, Second Fleet, p. 36; Letter 19 Nov., 1789, Capt. Donald Trail to contractors. PRO T1/674.

[96] Hill to Home Dept., PRO T1/674. Flynn, Second Fleet, p. 36

[97] Camden, Calvert and King to Navy Board, 19 Nov. 1789, PRO T1/674. Michael Flynn, Second Fleet, p. 36.

[98] This unexpected letter from Lumby is given in Sir Joseph Banks - Warren R. Dawson, (Ed.), The Banks Letters: A Calendar of the Manuscript Correspondence of Sir Joseph Banks. London, Published by order of the trustees of the British Museum, 1958. See p. 555 for another letter from Lumby to Banks.

[99] Campbell Letter No. 187: Duncan Campbell Letterbooks: Transcript from A3230, p. 142.

[100] PRO T1/674. Michael Flynn, Second Fleet, pp. 36ff.

[101] Flynn, Second Fleet, pp. 35ff has freshly researched all these arguments.

[102] Campbell Letter No. 187a: Duncan Campbell Letterbooks: Transcript from ML A3230, p. 151: The brother on the hulks staff was David Burn. The Neptune Capt. Donald Trail of the Second Fleet had the worst death rate of all the convict transport ships to NSW, and in the history of the convict service from 1718 to 1865. Aboard her at this date would have been Capt. Nicholas Nepean and Lt. John Macarthur of the NSW Corps.

[103] Nicholas Nepean to Evan Nepean, PRO HO42/15/390.

[104] J. Campbell to Evan Nepean, 3 Dec., 1790, PRO HO42/15/393.

[105] PRO HO42/15/395.

[106] A. Calvert to Evan Nepean, PRO HO42/15/397.

[107] The Dublin Chronicle, Flynn, Second Fleet, pp. 56ff.

[108] Capt. Marshall incidentally before he set sail lodged at Butchers, "nearly facing Mr Miles Rowe's at Portsmouth". Miles Rowe was a merchant Campbell paid to regularly supply the Portsmouth hulks.

[109] Flynn, Second Fleet, p. 45.

[110] Campbell Letter No 189a: Duncan Campbell Letterbooks: Transcript from ML A3230, pp. 151-152.

[111] Adm1/4154-63; 20 Dec., 1789, Home Office, escort required for ship Douglas carrying convicts London to Plymouth.

[112] HRNSW, Vol. 1, part 2, p. 284.

[113] HRNSW, Vol. 1, part, 2, p. 285.

[114] Eric Williams, From Columbus to Castro, p. 273.

[115] Lucy Werkmeister, A Newspaper History of England 1792-93. Lincoln, University of Nebraska Press, 1967.

[116] On St Barbe and whaling generally, Margaret Steven, Trade, Tactics and Territory, earlier cited.

[117] St Barbe's letter: Samuel Enderby Jr. to Evan Nepean, HRNSW, Vol. 1, part 1, p. 407.

[118] After the Third Fleet, whalers bothered little with NSW waters, until late 1797-1799, when, permitted by Act 38 Geo III, c.57, they mounted an 11-ship whaler flotilla which came to Sydney, including the ships Sally, Bligh, Cornwall, Swain, Pomona, Clark, Diana, Lock, Britannia and Nautilus: HRNSW, Vol. 3, p. 741. See also, Cumpston's listings by date in Arrivals and Departures; W. J. Dakin, Whalemen Adventurers, earlier cited, p. 18; R. A. Swan, To Botany Bay, p. 168. When in May 1795, [Stackpole, Whales, pp. 187-188] Eber Bunker returned from his Third Fleet to London, Alex and Benjamin Champion offered him command of their new vessel, Pomona. He accepted and sailed from London in May 1795.

[119] Frost, Convicts and Empire, p. 166.

[120] Dan Byrnes, `Outlooks For England's South Whale Fishery, 1784-1800, and "the great Botany Bay Debate" `, The Great Circle, Vol. 10, No. 2, October 1988., p. 94.

[121] In 1792, the directors of the Company were: Chairman John Smith Burges; deputy chairman Francis Baring: Jacob Bosanquet, Lionel Darell, John Hunter, Hugh Inglis, Paul Le Mesurier, John Manship, William Money, Abraham Robarts, David Scott, George Tatem, Robert Thornton, and Secretary, Thomas Morton. Source: The Royal Calendar.

[122] Byrnes, `Outlooks', cited earlier.

[123] On whalers and Africa merchants attending Board of Trade meetings, see for example, PRO BT6; BT 1/1, Board of Trade In-Letters; BT5/8; BT 5/10; BT 107; BT 107/8.

[124] On the "Botany Bay debate": John Bach in A Maritime History of Australia. Melbourne, Nelson, 1976., has complained of maritime history remaining victim to apathy. In the context of the Botany Bay debate, some interesting - and often quaint - earlier-published titles include: Edwards Jenks, The History of the Australasian Colonies (From their Foundation to the Year 1893). Cambridge University Press. 1895, especially Ch II. Sir William Keith Hancock, Australia. London, Ernest Benn Ltd., 1930., has his first chapter entitled The Invasion of Australia but has scant mention of Aboriginal people, hence he refers to the "invasion" of terra nullius. John Hardy and Alan Frost, (Eds.), European Voyaging Towards Australia. Canberra. Occasional Paper No 8. Canberra, Australian Academy of the Humanities. 1990., pp. xxiii-xiv. Frost in Hardy and Frost, op cit, `The Colonisation of New South Wales', pp. 85-93. See also in the same volume, D. L. Mackay, In The Shadow of Cook: The Ambition of Matthew Flinders, pp. 99-111. My views are closer to those of Mackay here, p. 103: Regarding the new colony at New South Wales, the Pitt Ministry did not think "in terms of some well-defined strategy or imperial game plan". What occurred, even what was planned, whether or not executed successfully, was ad hoc, as analysis of the related commercial endeavours indicates.

[125] Bateson, The Convict Ships, pp. 160ff.

[126] I am grateful to Michael Flynn for this noticing this citation.

[127] Campbell Letter No. 189: Duncan Campbell Letterbooks, Vol. 6, ML A3230. Capt. Lamb: Edward Lamb, who had been chief mate with midshipman Fletcher Christian with Bligh on Bligh's last voyage on Campbell's Britannia to Jamaica. After the Bounty mutiny, Lamb came to Bligh's defense when Fletcher's brother, Edward Christian, came forward to protect the name of Fletcher, accused of mutiny. Lamb felt he knew the two men and always retained a poor impression of Fletcher. Lamb's offer, dated 28 Oct., 1794, is recorded in Bligh's Narrative; Mackaness, Life of Bligh, Vol. 1, p. 46. On 1 Dec., 1790, Campbell in London wrote to his son Capt. John C of the Lynx; 1 Dec. was the birthday of Little Duncan whom John was to teach reading and navigation. Dugald was the son of his father's first wife, Rebecca. Little Duncan was Campbell's son by his second wife, Mary Mumford.

[128] T1/677, No 203; T1/686, No 2106; T1/687, No 1264, two documents.

[129] Treasury Board Papers, Reel 3552. 27 January, 1790.

[130] Duncan Campbell Letterbooks: Note to Campbell Letter No. 191: On 23 February, 1790, Neil Campbell, aged 66, Duncan's brother, died at Woolwich. He had been Clerk of Survey to HM Warren, the Arsenal. He was buried on the 27th at Plumstead Churchyard, east of Woolwich, not far from the Thames. Thames historians inimical to Campbell have suggested Neil assisted Duncan with establishing the hulks, which may or may not have been the case in fact. The also suggest Neil himself had been assisted in obtaining his position by the Duke of Argyll. In 1790, Capt. Douglass was on Campbell's ship Lynx.

[131] Campbell's trade to India is little-mentioned in his Letterbooks as it was on his son John's account. Duncan had presumably provided John with capital.

[132] On slavery on Jamaica: Orlando Patterson, Sociology, earlier cited. The Africa Company charter was recalled in 1821 and the remaining possessions on the West African coast were given to Sierra Leone. On the anti-slavery movement, see Roger Anstey (Ed.), The African Slave Trade and Abolition. Vol. 2. Liverpool, Historical Society of Lancashire and Cheshire, 1976; James Pope-Hennessy, A Study of the Atlantic Slave Traders, 1441-1807. London, Wiedenfeld and Nicolson, 1963., pp. 274ff; Hall, West India Committee, pp. 7ff; James Walvin, Black Ivory: A History of British Slavery. London, Harper Collins, 1992.

[133] Campbell to his son, Dugald Campbell, 3 Feb., 1790.

[134] Kennedy, Bligh, pp. 130ff on Bligh's return to London.

[135] By 1850 on Jamaica, breadfruit was fed to pigs and poultry. The slaves did not like it, though sometimes it has been used as an emergency food.

[136] Bligh to F. G. Bond on Boyick. Bligh referred to Boyick in this letter. George Mackaness, (Ed.), `Fresh Light on Bligh', p. 17, p. 35;

[137] I have explained Mackaness' use of the Campbell Letterbooks in my Commentary to Oldham, Britain's Convicts, pp. 251ff.

[138] Campbell's friend George Kinlock had paid the medical student's last bills after the death of Richard Betham, which had been kept a secret from the student until after he had graduated.

[139] I am grateful to Ann Harrison, an archivist at the Manx Museum Library, for assistance in researching Richard Betham, his death date, and providing material from the Atholl Papers Index. Mutineer Heywood later wrote to Betham, not knowing Betham was dead, bemoaning the events of Bounty's voyage, an indiscretion which can have put Bligh in no better humour about Heywood. Bligh once wrote to Heywood's mother about Heywood's "baseness".

[140] Duncan Campbell to Dr Campbell Betham, 19 March, 1790. Note: as in this chapter, and some following, Campbell's letters can tend to be scattered in both personal and business letterbooks, so I have simply noted them by date.

[141] Item: Betham R, 31-5-1789, X/5-30, H. Cosnahan to G. Farquar, applying for the post of Mr Betham who has now died. Records, Manx Museum Papers.

[142] Note to Campbell Letter 192: The young physician, son of Richard Betham, had been furnished by Campbell with letter of introduction to people at Whitehaven, who were also members of the British Creditors. It has been said (by D. Bonner-Smith, ''Some Remarks about the Mutiny of the Bounty', The Mariner's Mirror, Vol. 22, No. 2, April 1936., pp. 200-237., here, pp. 202-217) that Fletcher Christian had come from Whitehaven, a fact which may have whetted young Betham's appetite for news about Bligh. Bounty mutineer Peter Heywood when he arrived back from the Pacific wrote a letter (greatly objected to by Bligh) to Richard Betham on the Isle of Man, about the mutiny. Heywood when he wrote did not know, as historians have not known since, that Betham by then had died.

[143] Eric Williams, From Columbus to Castro, p. 273.

[144] I am informed by Anthony Twist that Charles Crockat (noted in Kellock's research) was the first husband of the first wife of John Julius Angerstein; and that John Nutt married Charles Crockat's sister. There was also a later family connection here with the Pigous. Kellock, `London Merchants', Listings.

[145] Emory Evans, `Planter Indebtedness', p. 511; the British Creditors on 1 January, 1790 [citing Chatam Papers, PRO, Gifts and Deposits, Series 30, VIII, 343] had lodged with government claims against Americans for 2,305,408/19/2d. out of a total of 4,984,655/5/d which included 14 years' interest. So Campbell's meeting was probably due to business arising from the deposition of that claim.

[146] Jacob Price, `One Family's Empire', p. 212, and Notes 198-203.

[147] Here, see Kellock's research in particular.

[148] Jacob Price, `One Family's Empire', p. 211 and Note 193, citing PRO 30/8/343.

[149] Duncan Campbell to Lt.-General Melville, 17 March, 1790. Presumably this was Robert Melville (1723-1806), LL.D of Edinburgh Univ., FRS, was promoted general in 1798. On Melville, see Alan Valentine, The British Establishment, earlier cited.

[150] Note to Campbell Letter No. 193: Duncan Campbell to Lt.-General Melville, 17 March, 1790. Melville established a botanic gardens at St. Vincent in 1765.

[151] Melville incidentally has been mildly disputed in a Carron Company history as the inventor of the carronade gun, which was deadly at close range for naval warfare; it is a question of the use of prototypes versus an inventor's claim to a singular discovery.

[152] Glynn Christian, Fragile Paradise, p. 67.

[153] Morton to George Rose, T1/687.

[154] Byrnes, `Emptying the Hulks', p. 15; Bateson, The Convict Ships, p. 131.

[155] During 1789-1790 the net profit of the East India Company was 2,807,440 pounds, whilst Pitt's entire revenue was 16,000,000 pounds. Brian Gardner, The East India Company. London, Rupert Hart Davis, 1971., p. 126.

[156] Item: Evidence that Calverts wanted to import Bombay cotton is T1/687, No. 1932, 1790. Bateson, The Convict Ships, p. 139.

[157] David Collins, An Account of the English Colony in New South Wales 1788-1801. Melbourne/Christchurch NZ, Whitcombe and Tombs, 1910 (?). Edited, with an introduction, and notes by James Collier., p 121. The master of the Mary Ann was spoken well of by the female convicts. Stackpole, Whales and Destiny, p. 176, Calvert and Co. owned the ship Matilda of the Third Fleet, Capt. Matthew Weatherhead. William and Ann was owned by St Barbe and Co.

[158] Various details on the Third Fleet ships are also in J. S. Cumpston, Shipping Arrivals and Departures, Sydney, 1788-1825. In 3 parts. Canberra, Roebuck, 1963-64. Cumpston has highly abbreviated entries by date on shipping movements, cross-referenced to sources of information.

[159] 1790s: On the Enderby whaler, Eber Bunker, see R. Hodgkinson, Eber Bunker. Canberra, Roebuck, 1975. Bunker founded the Sydney suburb of Liverpool and was regarded as the "father of Australian whaling". Bunker entry, ADB.

[160] Clune, Rascals, p. 5, p. 15, pp. 41ff. Bateson, The Convict Ships, pp. 131ff. T. J. Kiernan, Transportation from Ireland to Sydney, 1791-1816. Canberra, 1954; Robert Hughes, The Fatal Shore. A History of the Transportation of Convicts To Australia 1787-1868. Pan Books/Collins, 1988. On Capt. Thomas Melville of Fleet 3 ship Britannia in NSW waters: Dakin reports Melville's argument with Gov. Phillip and his letter home to Enderbys. (Stackpole, Whales, p. 182) Melville was possibly still out in Aug. 1793].

[161] T1/687, No 1932, 15 October, 1790, Mr. Morton, India House re Mr. Rose's letter of 12th re ships to be taken for convicts for Botany Bay and load home with cotton on private account.

[162] Steven, Trade, Tactics and Territory, p. 82; Stackpole, Whales, p. 114; Harlow, Second British Empire, p. 320.

[163] Dallas, Trading Posts, pp. 42, 60, 68; Dakin, Whalemen Adventurers, p. 12.

[164] Dallas, Trading Posts, pp. 42, 60, 68.

[165] T1/677, No. 38. Con Costello, Botany Bay: The Story of the Convicts Transported from Ireland to Australia, 1791-1853. Dublin, Mercier, 1987., p. 15.

[166] Queen left Sydney for Norfolk Island, 2 November, 1791, thence New Zealand, Norfolk, thence Bengal. HRA, Vol, 1, Part 2, pp. 303-322. She had stores by Alexander Davison.

[167] Con Costello, Botany Bay: The Story of the Convicts Transported from Ireland to Australia, 1791-1853. Cork-Dublin, Mercier, 1987., pp. 16-17, 29, 56, 66.

[168] Oliver MacDonagh, Inspector-General: Sir Jeremiah Fitzpatrick and the Politics of Social Reform, 1783-1802. London, Croom Helm, 1981.

[169] House of Commons Journal, Vol. 46, 1790-1791, p. 487, pp. 541, 572, 577.

[170] House of Commons Journal, Vol. 44, 1788-1789, pp. 380ff, noting that Turnbull, Macaulay and Gregory were owed sums for provisions to Canada such as 58,874 pounds, 170,136 pounds, to a total such as 254,607 pounds. This section of the journal also noted Evan Nepean was reimbursed 25,103 pounds for "presents to Indians in Canada". House of Commons Journal, Vol. 45, 1790, p. 293.

[171] HRNSW, Vol. 1, pp. 39ff and pp. 220ff.

[172] 1793-1794: HRNSW, Vol. 2, pp. 39. In Feb. 1792, T. Everett still vittled Gibraltar; and Monies going to Turnbull, Macaulay and Gregory, Jan. 24, 1792 to 6 Dec. [1791?] for supply to troops in Canada and Nova Scotia were 88,869. [House of Commons Journal, Vol. 47. 1792., p. 84]. Information on East India ships associated with Macaulay or his relatives about this time includes: Ships in the East India Company service: there sailed 17 April, 1790, Royal Admiral Capt. Essex Henry Bond, for China, built River in 1777, husband T. Larkins, 914 tons. On her return, Royal Admiral would sail to NSW with convicts. Preceding her would be George Macaulay's East Indiaman, Pitt. Item: there sailed on 6 May, 1790, Warren Hastings, Capt. J. P. Larkins, for Bengal, built River in 1781, husband T. Larkins, 786 tons.

[173] G. J. Abbott, `A Note on the Volume of Treasury Bill Expenditure 1788-1821', Bulletin of the Business Archives Council of Australia., Vol. VI, No. 1, Feb. 1966, University of Sydney., pp. 81-84.

[174] Bateson, The Convict Ships, p. 131.

[175] Carter, Banks, p. 259.

[176] Mary Ann Parker, (Edited by Horden House), A Voyage Round the World, Australian National Maritime Museum, Originally, 1795. Mrs. Parker sailed to Sydney on HM Gorgon.

[177] Carter, Banks, pp. 258-259.

[178] But see William Ray Manning, `The Nootka Sound Controversy', American Historical Association, annual report, 1904. Washington, 1905.

[179] Henry R. Wagner, `Creation of Rights of Sovereignty through Symbolic Acts', Pacific Historical Review, Dec. 1938., pp. 297-326., p. 323.

[180] Nootka sovereignty reverted to the natives. See p. 317 of Wagner cited above; Martinez had difficulties with Colnett and Hudson... p 317, Spain in 1789-1790 re-acquired Nootka and explored the Strait of Juan de Fuca and Alaska.

[181] Herman J. Deutsch, `Economic Imperialism in the Early Pacific Northwest', Pacific Historical Review, Vol. IX, Dec 1940, No. 4., pp. 377-388; p 381, Deutsch conveys the Spanish king was concerned chiefly with safeguarding or "bloating" a rather inflated claim to sovereign jurisdiction, though scientific and commercial factors were not overlooked; p. 383, the Spanish had originally settled California to meet the challenge of the Czar.

[182] Henry R. Wagner, `Creation of Rights of Sovereignty through Symbolic Acts', Pacific Historical Review, Dec. 1938., pp. 297-326. Wagner, p. 322 suggests the Nootka controversy was a mountain made out of a molehill, respecting events of 1789 when Martinez seized British fur traders, with instructions given him by the viceroy in Mexico, which embodied Spanish notions of their rights in the South Sea, John Meares being the English in question. Meares had little more than a bare licence from the native chief in question, to put up a house, which he did with lumber he later took down and put back on his ship. The Spanish based their claims on the old Papal Bull.

[183] Andrew Waugh, Edinburgh, to the Home Office, HRNSW, Vol. 1, part 2, p. 477.

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