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Hurricanes over Jamaica: Matthew Ridley and Robert Morris: Before Lord Cornwallis surrendered at Yorktown... the year 1781: History, amnesia and William Bligh: A daughter disappoints: Convict records: the paper trail revisited: Becky, gone: Lord Cornwallis surrenders: `a very deep hole in my capital':


The Blackheath Connection

Chapter 21


Hurricanes over Jamaica:


      On 10 September 1780, John Campbell of Saltspring, Hanover wrote to Jamaica official, John Clement Deputy ([1])


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Dear Sir, As the inclosed letter is expressive of the apprehensions of the Inhabitants of this part of the Island, I transmit it to you, to be laid before his Exellency, the Governor, to whom present my humble respects, and acquaint him that the miserable situation the storm on the 3d Current has put us in, few having shelter from the weather, and most of our arms Destroyed, really requires the protection requested - my having been confined at home since the fatal Day, has prevented me from viewing the Devastation in the windward part of the parish, but, from the account I have received, it is not short of what the Inhabitants hereabouts have experienced, which is beyond description. I am Sir, etc.


      During the 1780s a series of five devastating hurricanes swept over the Caribbean, causing great damage and considerably increasing crop production costs on the sugar islands. ([2]) Between 12,000-15,000 Negro slaves are said to have died of famine on Jamaica between 1780 and 1787. ([3]) If this was so, the methods of keeping at bay so many agitated, hungry people must have been brutal indeed.


     It began in February, 1780. A hurricane destroyed or damaged 40 vessels in Montego Bay alone. Shocks of an earthquake were reported, and almost every building in Hanover Parish was demolished. Campbell's plantation, Saltspring, was presumably greatly damaged, although Campbell made no specific mention of any damage in his letterbooks. Another hurricane struck in August 1781 and possibly damaged Campbell's ship Orange Bay by running her aground, for she was damaged that year.


    Doubtless it was damage such as this which later in 1787 prompted Campbell to promote his relative, William Bligh, for the captaincy of the breadfruit voyage to Tahiti, as we shall see. One of the responses on Jamaica was to recommend that slaves could be fed more cheaply if they could eat breadfruit from Tahiti. Thus, the later voyage of HMAV Bounty as a search for cost effectiveness in the feeding of slaves. Thus, one of the problems with the present state of the legend of HMAV Bounty is that this has been too much forgotten. Groans about the expense of feeding slaves was hardly new.


     Details on the wealthy merchants and planters specifically involved have been largely ignored in the interests of writing up "an innocent botanical experiment that went horribly wrong" - and also because of standard British reticence in discussing that vulgar activity - commerce. The mutiny on Bounty has been transmogrified into an inexplicable mystery of human personality once touched by the mystique of the gorgeous blue Pacific, the intellectual beauties of natural history, and the agreeable lusts of Tahitian women. Truly, a tragedy in Paradise. (Retrospective reaction to the allegedly agreeable nature of the Tahitian women can be sedated a trifle by a glance at the VD list for the crew of Bounty once they'd left Tahiti).


       Bounty's voyage has been dignified as a "botanical experiment", and its close links with the institution of slavery on one of the cruellest sugar islands of the Caribbean have been glossed over for decades by Australians. This will probably remain as one of the historical problems created by historians' avoiding scrutiny of the family and other links between Campbell and William Bligh. The entire situation of course is made even more ludicrous and ironic, since the slaves after Bligh's second breadfruit voyage rapidly decided that breadfruit would form no part of their diet and they resolutely refused to eat it except during emergencies. To say this takes nothing away from Bligh's magnificence as a sailor in making Timor after his open boat voyage. But in the interests of balance, the average survival chances of the average slave newly-landed on Jamaica could also be mentioned in passing in the full context of Bounty's voyage and why the voyage was made.


*    *    *


Campbell Letter 66:

John Robinson

             Having some time since given notice to Sir Gray Cooper for the information of my Lords of the Treasury that my Contract with their Lordships for Executing the Office of Superintendent of the Convicts on the River Thames Expired on the 12 Inst & not having had the honour of hearing from the Board on that Score, I humbly beg leave again to submit this circumstance to consideration; at the same time be pleased to acquaint their Lordships that if my Conduct has met with their approbation I am ready to renew the Contract for another year. It appears to me from the approaching period of Discharge that the Average Number of Convicts to be provided for, in the New Contract need not exceed 460 tho' for some months to come the Number will be considerably more. The late Act of Parliament granting a power to Employ Convicts on Shore I think  the number of Lighters may be reduced to 18 which will be sufficient for the present service; I hire with all other accomodations of Ships Officers Hospital & as in my former contract, for the above number of Convicts I am willing to supply for the sum of (pounds) [blank in original] to be paid by quarterly Instalments as before. I pray you to lay my Account of Extra Disbursm sent from Lord Stormonts office before their Lordships when I humbly hope they will order me to be reimbursed for the same ([4])< /p>


Campbell Letter 67:

London 8 Dec 1780

The Right Honble William Eden

             I more than once did myself the honor of calling at downing Street, to pay my humble respects to you & to add one to the many blessings given you on your departure but was so unfortunate as to not find you at home. The many Civilities & good offices I have from time to time received at your hand, have made so lasting an impression on my mind, of Gratitude; that time, in my existence, cannot obliterate. My being in the country for ten days just about the time of your departure deprived me from reaching you by a letter in England, but I have presumed to lett this follow you in hopes you will still receive it, and accept my benediction. I am pleased if your appointment to the very honourable important office you now fill as I have not a doubt but that it will produce most salutary consequences to the country in which you dwell as well as to this too much divided Kingdom & End in that reward which never fails to follow ability and Virtue That Health happiness & every success attend you and your Family in my most sincere wish; being with the greatest deference and respect

        Sir ([5]) ([6])


Note: Britain declared war on the Netherlands in December, 1780.


Campbell Letter 68:

Mincing Lane 22 December 1780

John Boddington Esq

                   Last night I had the honour of receiving your letter signifying to me the desire of the Board of Ordnance that a Part of the Convicts may be employed in the Royal Laboratory, under the Inspection of the Master Turner, I beg you will be pleased to acquaint the Board that being much indisposed myself I this day sent directions to Woolwich to carry their desire into Execution

                   With very great respect I am

                                         Sir ([7])


Matthew Ridley and Robert Morris:


     Historians often disagree, even about minor facts. By 1781, it is said, Virginia was in anarchy due to poor administration. ([8]) Also, by 8 June, 1781, says one historian, Sumner, Robert Morris was writing to the Paris bankers, Le Couteulx and Company, to open an account with them. (This was at a time when the US agent Henry Laurens had been thrown into the Tower of London - the firm Laurens and Austin had earlier as normal business been finding homeward cargoes for Bristol slave vessels calling at American colonies, for ships such as those of Isaac Hobhouse, in 1749 when Laurens was based in London; also, for firms such as Thomas Easton and Co., Joseph Daltera, Devonshieir and Reeve, Charles Gwynn, and Henry Weare and Co.; Daltera being a convict contractor name). ([9])


    Le Couteulx seems to have been Morris' banker. Yet Ferguson writes, over 1781-1782, Morris was proposing to break with Le Couteulx and use Le Grand as banker for the US in France, wanting a "clean break with the past". ([10]) In any case, about February-March 1781, George III was of the opinion that even with French aid, the US could not restore its paper currency. ([11]) He also felt that generally, British credit would outlast all shocks of this war and assist a British victory. Oberholtzer says, George by 1781 regarded the mismanagement of American finances as his greatest ally. One supposes George here was being advised by the men of the City, just as Robert Morris was brought in to strengthen American financial activity. ([12])


      Again, one historian writes that in 1781 the agent of Virginia complained to George Washington that the Virginia troops were "so naked they could not leave their quarters." ([13]) (Various American historians writing on Robert Morris indicate the army was made of the waste people from the lower orders, the affluent found it inconvenient to fight with Washington). But Ferguson writes, the army had so much clothing after 1781 that Morris sold off shipments arriving from Europe. ([14]) Such confusions seem to stem from lack of detail on exactly how Morris financed the Revolution.


     In 1781, Morris linked with a new Philadelphia house, Samuel Inglis and Company, from Virginia, a man ruined by the burning of Norfolk. ([15]) Inglis engaged in shipping ventures, and Morris also linked with Isaac Hazelhurst to get European goods to the US. Then Morris linked with Morris, Samuel Beall and John May to procure unused lands in Virginia. Morris by now was also linked with Carter Braxton, who handled tobacco and shipping. Minchinton lists as Virginia merchants acting for Bristol slavers, George Braxton, ([16]) Augustine Moore and John Tayloe, ([17]) all of whom were linked to the Bristol slaver, Isaac Hobhouse. ([18]) Morris linked also with John Ross, for goods shipped from Europe, with Conyngham and Nesbitt regarding the use of privateers, with Matthias Slough for commissary needs, with Hewes and Smith for tobacco and shipping, and with Thomas Mumford, Thomas Russell and John Bradford for shipping.


*     *     *


    Even by 1780, Morris' expansion meant he had nine major partnerships to deal with. The office of Superintendent of Finance in the US was created by Congress on 7 February, 1781. Many eyes turned again to Morris. ([19]) Morris was later dealing with Necker the French minister (director-general of Finance). Morris also worked out a scheme to carry Spanish silver from South America and the West Indies, bullion the Spanish could not receive due to roving British squadrons. Perhaps, Morris intended to use such bullion for US purposes? And Morris also became agent for Pennsylvania.


     After 1779, Campbell's former agent Matthew Ridley had become involved in a new importing business with John Holker Jnr., Robert Morris, Jonathan Williams, Joshua Johnson (an associate in London of the American William Lee), Donatien Le Ray de Chaumont, the shrewd French businessman dealing with the Americans, Edward Bancroft a doctor and a spy for the British at times, and sometime Benjamin Franklin's secretary. ([20]) Plus Simeon Deane a merchant in Virginia and others.


       Morris about now was writing to Matthew Ridley about supplies for troops, prior to the Yorktown conflict with Lord Cornwallis of August 1781. (Some 3000 barrels of flour). ([21]) Ridley when in France acted as a partner with Holker, "agent of the French Marine". ([22]) Writing on Morris, Sumner ([23]) has a highly detailed discussion of money in the colonies, exchange rates, the mint, coinage, a history of weird uses of money, and various different forms of money in the American colonies, all the product of Britain's counter-productive financial system applied for decades. Morris at one point was driven to obtain the best assays of the contents of various available coinage, just to try to find a rational means of justifying transactions large and small. If Robert Morris had trouble in adequately measuring money, any distant London merchant such as Campbell would have had exceptional difficulty in measuring US commercial matters, and changes in commercial matters - unless somewhere along the line, a family member was involved in changing US trade patterns?


*     *     *


Before Lord Cornwallis surrendered at Yorktown... the year 1781:


     From 1781, Campbell may have occupied or acquired land, The Orchard, at Blackheath. ([24]) A Blackheath local historian, Neil Rhind, had written, The Orchard was first taken from the heath in 1781 "by a man called Duncan Campbell, probably a farmer. By 1801, [farmer?] Campbell's encroachment was extended by the then Earl of Dartmouth, who re-built or substantially altered an existing house."


           The Earl of Dartmouth seems after his departure from politics in the mid-1770s to have occupied himself with semi-rural suburban land development at Blackheath, land development that in style was surprisingly modern and tasteful as well. A firm, Bradshaw and Co., were also developing Blackheath, circa 1788. ([25]) The Orchard became a mansion of some distinction and was later home to the Dartmouth family, till the mid-1850s. It was finally demolished in 1965. But whether its 1780s occupant is the Duncan Campbell of present concern is still doubtful. If so, as far as evidence from the Letterbooks is concerned, it is the earliest date for Campbell's residency at Blackheath, and this suggests that from 1781 he used all his space at Mincing Lane for business purposes, including keeping records on hulks prisoners. (Campbell may even have been expecting a post-war crime wave and an increase in hulks business?) What can be ascertained is that he was a reasonably understanding parent, and that his children were growing older and would have needed more space, including perhaps extra stables for horses?


      Edward Hasted in his book on Kent, (1797), noted that the Earl of Leicester had died in 1759 leaving his lady the Manor of Kingsdowne, Hever, and the moieties of Chipstead and Maplescombe, and other estates south-east in Kent, including apparently Brandshatch Farm, (later the site of Brandshatch motor raceway ([26])). Some estates here had been inherited by Thomas William Coke, who in 1784 sold to Duncan Campbell. ([27]) In time, Campbell acquired the following lands or farms, freehold and tenement: Brandshatch, Maplescombe, Little Maplescombe, Easthill, Knotts Farm, Brands Tenement. (Thomas William Coke, popular MP for Norfolk, born 6 May, 1754, was created first Earl of Leicester on 12 August, 1837.)


     Blackheath was then becoming a prototypical - in concept a surprisingly modern - commuter suburb for the affluent, a comfortable coach ride into the city. If Campbell did move his entire domestic establishment from Mincing Lane, it may have been that he was shuddering in further anticipation that Britain might lose her American War. From the mid-1780s he invested in land about Blackheath and deeper into Kent. (His wife Mary Mumford had property, Shere Hall, Mount Pleasant, Wilmington, from about 1789). These investments can be seen as Campbell's balm from his losses in North America; his timing concerning land development about Blackheath was astute. ([28])


    During 1781 and 1782, where-ever he resided, Duncan's children were coming of age, as were his nephews and nieces. His Letterbooks became more preoccupied with his children's doings, especially the need for the boys to discover their occupations. As for his daughters, none of their marriages seemed to please him. He seemed far more contented with his boys - except for their behaviour with money. That his boys might become spendthrifts worried him. It should be said, too, that with eight step-children, his second wife, Mary Mumford, probably lived maritally and emotionally much in the shadow of Duncan's first wife, Rebecca. As well, Duncan's children with Mary Mumford seemed less healthy, and one small boy in the 1790s died of "water on the head", hydrocephalus.


     Of particular and genuine concern to Campbell in his personal life in 1781 was his niece Mrs. Harriot (or, Henrietta) Colden, who was either at London or on the Isle of Man with her parents, the Bethams. Harriott had two sons by her husband killed in the  revolution, Alexander and Cadwallader. Her uncle Duncan later assisted their education. ([29])  Even worse, by October 1781, Campbell knew his daughter Becky (Rebecca, named for her mother) had died on Jamaica (she was buried on 23 September). ([30]) Campbell drably estimated his financial losses by October at about £10,000-£15,000, with some of the loss due to the recent hurricane on Jamaica.


*    *    *


History, amnesia and William Bligh:


The time now arrives to begin an examination of books on William Bligh.


     According to the Sydney historian, George Mackaness, after 1781, William Bligh formed a friendship with the Duke of Clarence. A mutual interest in Freemasonry may have been part of the friendship. Hamill lists the duke as a Mason. ([31]) Bligh once termed Duncan Campbell his "friend guide and philosopher", surely a formula term. ([32]) Yet, Bligh's biographer, Mackaness, who was himself a Mason, did not address this. (In a recently published illustration however, Bligh wears a Masonic symbol). ([33])


     In Hough's book, Captain Bligh and Mr Christian, ([34]) is an assertion that Duncan Campbell went especially from London to the Isle of Man for Bligh's wedding to Campbell's favourite niece, Elizabeth Betham. Because Bligh spent much of his life as a non-entity, many writers on Bligh attempt to confer prestige on Bligh by emphasising his associations with Campbell, without having conducted any research on Campbell. This has resulted in peculiarly inaccurate information becoming institutionalised. There is no reason to suggest that Campbell enjoyed the kind of prestige that writers seek to confer on Bligh by mentioning Bligh's links to Campbell- and to suggest otherwise is to falsify the family history of both men, as well as to ignore the traditional Londoner-loathing for the hulks overseer.


     To provide Campbell and therefore Bligh with prestige, Hough suggested that Duncan  was related to John Campbell, who had sailed round the world with Anson and became a rear-admiral. If Hough is correct here, the relationship was distant at best. Hough, probably correctly, says Bligh commanded Campbell's ships in the order, Lynx, Cambrian then Britannia. Hough marks Campbell as one of the promoters of the breadfruit scheme to the West Indies, a statement which does not quite hit the mark, as we shall see. If Campbell was a promoter of the breadfruit experiment, it is astonishing how his association with it has been so poorly reported since!


     During the American war, Bligh was posted on HM Ranger, based on the Isle of Man, at Douglas. There, Bligh met and fell in love with Elizabeth Betham, a woman with "a horror of the sea". According to island records, Elizabeth married Bligh before Vicar Thomas Quayle at the Parish Church of Conchan in the presence of Alexander McNaught and Charles Calvern on 4 February, 1781. ([35]) Campbell ([36]) is assumed to have been at the wedding. This supposition is not contradicted by evidence of the Letterbooks, nor is it supported. There is a quiet patch in Campbell's Letterbooks around that date, and Campbell could well have been out of London for several days. If Campbell did attend the wedding, I now suspect that at least three Freemasons were in attendance: Campbell, Bligh, and Richard Betham. Incidentally, there has never been a suggestion that Bligh met Campbell before the wedding date.


And given the passage of years, one of Campbell's early letters in 1781 was concerned the doings of the younger folk. ([37])


Campbell Letter 69:

London 20 Feb 1781

The Earl of Seaforth

Guernsey< /p>

           I had the honour to receive your Lordships very kind letter touching my nephew Lieut John Campbell The attention with which your Lordship is pleased to mention him, deserves the Grateful acknowledgements of all his Connexions as one of those I beseech your Lordship to accept my most cordial thanks. My brother some time since wrote to me of his Son having expressed a great desire to raise a Company on the late regulation for Independent Companies I own I then saw more difficulties attending its accomplishment than I thought my Nephew might be able to get over. At present I understand there is a stop put to the raising such companies, I suppose my Nephew will therefore rest most happy & contentedly under your Lordships Command where if he can but continue to deserve your Countenance he will be sure of any little service in my Power. With great defference and respect I have the honor to be

                             My Lord ([38])< /p>


     Sir Sampson Wright had taken a position as a magistrate at Bow Street and proved to be assiduous. Most of his letters to Campbell were in respect of some new development in ideas about the management of transportable prisoners - particularly their destinations. ([39])


*      *     *


A daughter disappoints:


     Soon came one of Campbell's disappointments with a daughter. In June, 1781, Duncan's brother, Rev. Colin, informed Duncan from Scotland that Colin's son John had married a lady about 18-years-old, Jessie Willox. Jessie was daughter of a prosperous merchant of Aberdeen, Baillie George Willox, who had ten children. She was the prettiest girl Colin ever saw, but "not a farthing came with her." It so happened that some of Duncan's children were on holiday in Scotland with relatives and Duncan's older daughter, Henny. That was when the problem occurred....


Campbell Letter 70:

Blackheath< /span>

                             Sept 2 1781            

John Campbell Esq.

Saltspring< /span>

Two days since I wrote to you from the Counting House all that occurred on the subject of business and to it I refer but this being confined to private Matter does not of course come thro my Letter book. You know Dugald & Miss Mary went upon a jaunt to see their friends and Sister Henny in Scotland who had much importuned me to grant her the Satisfaction of seeing both. They set out in April & I meant them to stay till the end of June; but Dugd. having a few days after his arrival at Greenock, strained his ankle; was confined to his room nearly a month, & for some time incapable of taking any fatigue; I therefore desired him to take his own time & fulfil the intention of his Journey and see the Country.

   This indulgence he received with all becoming Duty Henny wished Mary to remain longer & wrote to me for that purpose but this I declined as I chose to have her under my own Eye being very young & still more deficient than might be expected at her years. Dugd. & her having finished their tour in the West were on the 7 Augt. accompanied by most of their young Cousins Mrs Somerville to Edinburgh and Spending their last intended Evening at an Inn; They had ordered a chaise to be ready for Dugd. & Mary at 5 Oclock next morning. At 1/2 past 11 Miss Mary being after supper called out by a Servant supposed on the business of their Journey nobody took notice; but about ten Minutes after some of the Company missing and enquiring after her, They found, you will hardly believe it possible, to their utter astonishment She had made her Elopement with a Gentleman; but nobody knew who. A pursuit & search was immediately made everywhere by the Gentlemen of the Company Colin Capt Neil. Mr Snodgrass & Dugald who took different routs but in Vain. In two days however She was found by my Bror. Colin at Dumbarton, with a young Officer who upon being interrogated acknowledged themselves a married Couple. This young Man it seems is an Ensign in the 40th Regt. Son to a Mr Willox a Merchant of good character in Aberdeen whose daughter it seems too Colin's Son married some time since. I have many doubts that the Renfrew folks knew something of what was going on, though in this I may do them injustice, no other creature however had the smallest Idea of such a thing having never seen the least familiarity between the parties & their acquaintance of very short standing. Thus; this poor inconsiderate Girl has thrown herself away after all my expence & pains on her Education. This expensive jaunt was calculated chiefly for her benefit; and to give her an opportunity of seeing a little of the world. Poor Dugd. was like to go distracted at his Sisters Imprudence, & the fear of blame from me; having particular charge of Miss Mary; Poor Henny too was under the same feelings but my first letter after having heard from Dugd. the particulars would relieve them both; indeed both showed the most unremmitting attention to Mary. I have desired Dugald to tell the unfortunate Girl that tho' She has acted so unworthily yet as She is my Child I cannot see her want & that I should settle upon her & order 50 pounds per Ann: to be paid her Monthly or Quarterly & as from her sudden Elopement she might be in immediate want of some neccessaries I desired Dugd. to lay out twenty Guineas for such Articles as she might stand most in need of but at the same time to tell both  This was all they were to expect from me. Dugd. is not returned yet but I expect him in a few days. He and my Bror. Colin write this young Man bears a good Character, but not I do suppose, worth a shilling. The Rascals view was money; but he will be much dissappointed in his Expectations, in short I am so vexed at this poor Creatures conduct that I know not well how to act. I love my Children and have been indefatigable in endeavouring to provide for their Comfort But Good God Bror. if this is to be the reward how much in vain has been my labour? I have written to Dugd. your wish concerning his Voyage to Jama. for which I had prepared him before he went to Scotland; he seemed pleased with the thoughts of paying you a visit. This poor Girl having left us we can now the worse spare Dugd. but there seems to be a necessity for his going out both on your & My account & I must submit when he comes here I shall be able to write to you more fully. Meanwhile my mind being sufficiently distressed on the repetition of poor Mary's Story you will permit me here to conclude with love to Beckie & yourself in which Mrs Campbell joins who with all our young folks is in perfect health and I remain ..... ([40])


     The elopement and more so the particular husband caused Campbell considerable vexation. It all seems a classic case of an immature lass's head being turned by a fellow's uniform and little else.


*    *    *


Convict records: the paper trail revisited:


     There is an old and bitter Australian "legend" that the First Fleet convicts were "hand-picked by the cream of the English magistracy". This legend is a trifle misleading, but as we shall see (in late 1786), the names of all the relevant magistrates can be listed. It was those magistrates who helped to create the maze of detail that the present-day convict descendant has to move through before gaining information, let alone understanding.


     Chronologically, it is here appropriate to refer to convict records. One of the First Fleet convicts to become "famous" was James Ruse, the early colony's, and therefore Australia's, first farmer. There is today an agricultural school named for Ruse. Several books have been devoted to Ruse, all of which contain errors about when and where he was incarcerated after he was first lumbered and sentenced in his native Cornwall in 1782. ([41]) These errors exist because to follow the prison career of many First Fleet convicts is to enter a confusing maze. Prisoners were shifted from prison to prison, were batched on this list and then that, as government failed to find a category to place them in, or to find a destination for them outside the kingdom. A great many of these problems with First Fleet convicts has been admirably sorted out by Mollie Gillen, a London-based expatriate Australian. ([42])


This is the sort of letter cited where the maze might begin for a particular prisoner... sent from Evan Nepean at the Home Office to the Keeper of the Wood Street Compter...


Whitehall Dec 7, 1782,


I have Mr Secretary Townshend's direction to desire you to receive into your custody the Body of James Ruse sentenced at the last Summer Assizes held at Bodmin to be transported for Seven years to the Coast of Africa, and detain him till a vessel be ready to receive him for the above purpose.

               I am &c, Evan Nepean.


       Ruse was delivered to Bodmin Gaol in July 1782, to be tried at the Summer Assizes of that year before Justices Sir Richard Perryn, Kt, Baron of the Court of Exchequer, and John Heath, Esq, Justice of the Court of Common Pleas. ([43]) And many Campbell letters depict the humility of convict destinies.


Campbell Letter 71:

                              London Nov 26 1781

Messrs Phillips and Nash

Manchester< /span>


          By last Post I recd a letter from a Poor Boy Wm Germaine who had been Sentenced to hard Labour on the Thames, with a Postscript from you touching his being now at large; I have only to inform you that finding his behaviour while on board the Hulks had been very Orderly, & his state of health making him an Object of Compassion I recommended him as an Object of Mercy, & His Majesty was thereupon pleased to grant him a free ?? (anything missing here?) Pardon, & the Same is now in my possession


      I am


Becky, gone:


      Campbell was shortly to be alarmed by problems on the high seas, whilst his children's welfare remained a deep concern. About 16 December, 1781 came a letter with war news. Bad news from North America, the Orange Bay. Campbell was distraught that he would never see his daughter Becky again. He had earlier become enamoured of the idea that Becky would become his housekeeper, help care for the younger children, and dote on him in his old age, perhaps because Mary Mumford was unequal to the task. Now, this was impossible. ([44])


Excerpt from Campbell Letter 72:

London 16 Decemr 1781

John Campbell Saltspring

per Man of War

copy of favour Joseph Brissett

      On the 30th of last month I had finished all my letters of business to go by the New Saltspring, & was next day to begin my letter to you when your letter of 21st Sept reached Dug's hand for to this moment I have not seen it, the fear you express therein about my Dear very Dear Child was woefully confirmed by the same Conveyance, and that poor Becky was no more  The loss of this dutiful child in addition to the distress I had lately suffered by the imprudence of another & of which I gave you an account, had very near overcome me you know my feelings are quick & was the poignancy of my sorrow not in some degree softened by time it would be insupportable. Poor Dug whose cloathes were all packt up to go on board next day I had flattered myself would return with you & Becky next year, not soon to part again. But O how vain are all our worldly prospects. We are by this example again admonished to look elsewhere for real happiness. for in this life it is but a dream. I had formed in my own mind many pleasing circumstances from poor Beckies return; these were Delusions for she is never to return. You and I are the objects of Pity on this occasion, for surely she is happy. My feelings for the loss of my Dear Child are as much increased from the thoughts of what you as an eye witness to her Desolation must have suffered. I hope in God your fortitude, which from the object before you must have been put to a severe tryal, has been by Divine Providence strengthened in proportion thereto. As my dwelling longer on this subject will of course make your as it does my Wounds bleed afresh I go no further than to say that from the loss I have sustained and the News we have lately received from North America the fears ...... all ranks of people here have for the safety of your Island have so wrought upon me that I could not part with Dug: ...... such a gloom overspreads our Political Hemisphere. Lord Cornwallis defeat I think stamps the fate of my American property & should any disaster happen to Jamaica what state shall I be in with a such a family of helpless Infants? I must not think on it. It is an event will make this country tremble.

    I must refer you to Dug. who will write you on business, all I shall say here is to request you will not make any pecuniary Engagements for me at this time. You will see the propriety of complying with my wish the stronger when you observe to what a pitch the Balance of your account is swelled being now Shakespeare's payment included, without Int 5554:8:2 [pounds]    You will long before this comes to hand know of my being under the necessity of refusing to accept Mr Brissett's Bill with your Indorsement; other bills of his meet with the same fate; at this he cannot be surprised when he considers my advance =/=/ account sent by his son Joseph is above 1400 pounds.  Besides an advance of 850 pounds to Joseph himself. The little and in point of remittance I had in expectations by the Orange Bay is still delayed & I am afraid no supply is likely to arise from that quarter for some time to come. If you will ask for a sight of any letters to Fleming you will see how matters stand here

   I hope you will endeavour to do something to extricate me from Cousin's Cove correspondence, & that I shall be relieved from the expence of Miss Crooks; her charge is much beyond what the Estate can afford. She is very desirous of returning to Jamaica.

   I wish I could promise to assist you in the Discharge of Millar's and Capt Neil's Demands but in the circumstances of the times are such that you must endeavour to keep me from such Engagements; tho' I did say in a former letter to you that I should write to Millar to that purpose yet finding it might distress me I have been hitherto silent on that head & I request you will exempt me if possible from it. ([45])


*      *      *


Lord Cornwallis surrenders:


     Cornwallis surrendered to the Americans at Yorktown on 19 October, 1781. On the 18th, Robert Morris had made a report to Congress on the state of the economy, he could not find more than one-twentieth of the necessary for the year's current expenses. ([46]) (Sumner reminds us, the US then had very little navy. There is a legend that Morris himself advanced the money enabling Washington's army to force Cornwallis to surrender - the facts of the matter are complicated). ([47]) Morris, then supplying the army, apparently arranged that merchants of the town would sell their goods to the US, being paid in tobacco which they could then export to New York under licence. By 1782 Morris was dealing with a New York contractor, Sands, Livingston and Co, or, Wadsworth and Carter. Also, John Holker and Morris' protégé, William Duer.


*     *     *


"a very deep hole in my capital":


Campbell Letter 73:

28 Decem 1781

John Campbell Saltspring

per favour of Joseph Brissett

          I wrote you a few days ago a letter which I was unable myself to copy fair therefore Dug. was obliged to do it for me. The repitition of My Description must have made him feel more than I otherwise would have wished. An indifferent state of health & lowness of spirits with which I have for a month or two been troubled made me more the unfit to receive the shock which the last Packet from your Island brot to me. This will ......

... to make after observations on the state of your and my affairs. Candour & affection shall be my guide therefore you must not take amiss - To begin then; the Balance of your Currt Account on the 1st April next, time of my Gen: Balance when Int to your Irish supplies are added without another Article to your Debit & Credit given for the recovery or Proceeds of your Crop 1781 will be little short of 5000 pounds this with my former Advance to you makes the whole above 15,000 pounds a Sum that you must easily conceive makes a very deep hole in my Capital & to tell you the truth that with the loss I sustain by my Ships this year not being less than 4000 pounds makes me now feel what I have hitherto been a Stranger to, the want of money. If that alone was the only difficulty I could make shift to put up with it for a little time, but when I came to consider your requisition for my being Security to Mr Miller to pay your Debt to Capt Somerville together making near 3000 pounds Sterling, & the other arrearages which I know you have depending here I cannot help my Dear Brother being exceedingly alarmed & uneasy. I really can do no more than I have done to assist you nor is it in my power without distressing myself to continue in so large an advance. It is this that alarms me indeed, & the more so from a fear you can do nothing effectual to relieve me. Your Creditors however fair they may carry themselves outwardly will I dread, when they see me whether from necessit or not shut my hand to you, be more than pressing I shall in that case be doubly hurt, perhaps see you hard pressed & unable to prevent it. In this situation I have only to rely on your reciprocal friendship & affection to guard my family from misfortune; to give me & them that preference of security, which I am sure you think they deserve to make them safe; how  far the Mortgage already given me (?) so you only are the Judge, but my own opinion is that for your own sake as well as mine you should add to it either by a further Mortgage of your purchased Property or by granting Bonds & Judgement for the Balance of the Currt Accot by means of the Dignity or priority of my Debt I shall then have it in my power to protect your Property & keep it together should any attempt be made to distress it. This you cannot but view in the same light that I do, & that a moments time ought not be lost in accomplishing an end which strikes me as highly prudent for both our sakes. What Conditional Security you may see proper to give me will I think be properly lodged in Peter, or Mr Duncan Campbell's hand after being recorded. Perhaps the last tho a stranger to me may be the fittest of the two men, but this I leave to you; only I must desire you will in your first letter send me a List of all my Securities & receipt for the same in whosoevers hand they may be lodged. Mrs Newell told me you had mentioned something of Duncan Campbell to be put in charge of Hopewell in case you left Jamaica; in that case I suppose he will have charge of Saltspring likewise. As my Papers are of no small Value I beseech you to see that there is a safe Repository for them against accidents of fire etc.

     Dug tells me your letter intimates your resolution of coming home. I shall be happy to have you with me; while I live you shall fare as I do; but for Godsake see you collect your Country Debts, leave nothing behind you unsettled.  It is now growing too late in the Day for you or me to be running backwards & forwards, & to tell you the truth I think you can live here for one fourth the Expence you do where you are; One house, one table, one carriage will do for you & me, & all the frugality you can adopt in your Expence here & at Saltspring seems to me absolutely necessary to disembarras you; of this you will better be able to form a Judgement by looking back for Ten Years to see how little difference there is between the situation of your Affairs now and at that time.

   I know little or nothing of what Ross is doing, only that he said in a letter of 30th Sept that he expected to see his Ships bottom in a week & will soon be ready to take in what Sugars he has left or any other that may offer on freight, & sail with a convoy which he sais will depart the beginning of Novemr. I see you and Mr D Campbell have taken much pains to interfere touching  Mr Henderson's unreasonable argument, which being made and adhered to I think you had better not meddle in; if you are at expence & benefit the underwriters they will accept of your favour, but if you fail in obtaining the End you propose you must bear the Expence yourself. The fate of this ship is a most unfortunate Event to me both in point of inconvenience & loss. I hope you will receive your supplies & those for Hopewell per Saltspring Jones safe and in good order. I request your attention to his dispatch I have thoughts of seeing the Blagrow which has been a constant Drawback upon me. The Orange Bay if she arrives safe will I am afraid be too late to fit out with the next fleet; in that case I shall not burden you with Ships this year, but the Saltspring will take what my friends may chuse to Ship by the first convoy

       May health & every happiness attend you; This is the constant wish of

                                          Dear Bro ([48])


*    *    *


Endnote1: At the Corporation of the City of London in 1781, re-elected regularly as a common council-man since 1774, was George Mackenzie Macaulay. Macaulay is noted in Lloyd's Register of 1781 as part of Abel and Macaulay (maritime insurance underwriters). The Royal Calendar names for the 1781 Africa Company list, as usual, John Shoolbred, plus Anthony Calvert (17??-1809) who was elected an Elder Brother of Trinity House in 1785 and died in 1809. ([49]) ([50]) Both Macaulay and Calvert were to become interested in transporting convicts.


Endnote 2:   On 21 December, 1781 was a meeting of the Society of West India merchants. ([51]) They discussed questions of defence. The chairman was not Beeston Long, as usual, but a planter, Nathaniel Bayley, agent for Jamaica. Stephen Fuller the later agent was also  present. ([52]) Interestingly, Duncan Campbell seems never to have been a member of this society.


*   *   *


<Finis Chapter 21>

[1] PRO, CO 137/79.

[2] Dawson, The Banks Letters, p. 798, Olaf Swartz, botanist, to Banks.

[3] Eric Williams, From Columbus to Castro, p. 226.

[4] Duncan Campbell Letterbooks: Transcript: letter undated: probably July 1780. Campbell Letter No. 66.

[5] Duncan Campbell Letterbooks: Transcript from ML, A3227. Note to Campbell Letter No. 67: Between 1780-1782, Eden was Chief Secretary for Ireland. This was perhaps the most unctuous letter Campbell ever wrote. Campbell to Eden, 8 Dec., 1780, Campbell had called at Downing St. to pay respects, mentioning Eden's new post and "this too much divided Kingdom".

[6] Eden in 1806 commented on the new colony in Australia: it was "connected with many considerations respecting Chinese trade, American intercourse, whale fishery, ship building, East India privileges..." as cited by R. A. Swan in To Botany Bay.

[7] Duncan Campbell Letterbooks: Transcript from ML, A3227, p. 246. Note to Campbell Letter No. 68. Throughout 1776-1777, John Boddington was a clerk in Ordinary at the Ordnance Offices. His name is mentioned in Davies, op cit., Documents of the American Revolution, Vol. XIII, Calendar 1777-1778., pp. 233, 236. Entry 1384, p. 233: "John Boddington to William Knox, the ship Adventurer is fully loaded and cannot take further stores to Tobago and Grenada; but part of the requisition referring to guns for the Bays is already included in consignment on that ship".

[8] Sumner, Robert Morris, Vol. 1, p. 281, p. 306.

[9] W. F. Minchinton, in `Slave trade of Bristol' in Roger Anstey and P. E. How, (Eds), Liverpool, The African Slave Trade and Abolition. Vol. 2. Historical Society of Lancashire and Cheshire, 1976., pp. 52-53.

[10] Ferguson, Purse, p. 134, Note 24.

[11] Sumner, Robert Morris, Vol 1, p. 94.

[12] Ellis P. Oberholtzer, Robert Morris, Patriot and Financier. 1903., p. 60. Ver Steeg, Robert Morris, p. 227. Various letters passed from Morris to Matthew Ridley in August 1781. The Ridley Papers are mostly concentrated with the Massachusetts Historical Society.

[13] Sumner, Robert Morris, Vol. 1, p. 36.

[14] Ferguson, Purse, p. 129, Note 13.

[15] Ver Steeg, Robert Morris, p. 35.

[16] Carter Braxton, (1736-1797) planter of Chericoke, son of George Braxton of  Newington and Mary Carter of Corotoman. His second wife was Elizabeth Corbin, his first wife Judith Robinson of Middlesex Co. (Stella Pickett Hardy, Colonial Families, pp. 85ff, pp. 112ff.) He lived in England in 1757-1760. He signed the Declaration of Independence. He was of King William County, Virginia, educated at William and Mary College. His uncle was Landon Carter. In 1786 Carter Braxton moved to Richmond, where he died. He lost resources during the Revolution, but his American Dictionary of Biography entry does not mention his dealing in tobacco to sustain the revolution, nor dealings with Robert Morris. Greene, Carter Diary, Vol. 1, p. 270, Carter Braxton was Burgess for King William County, 1761-1771, 1775-1776, member of the Virginia Conventions 1774-1776, delegate to the Second Continental Congress. Evans, `Planter Indebtedness', p. 531, has Braxton  on a list of those opposed to repaying debts to British. There was also a man of similar view, probably a relation of Landon Carter's extended family, Robert Carter Nicholas. By contrast, George Washington opposed non-payment. Nagel, Lees of Virginia, pp. 100ff. Braxton by 1776 allied with one Benjamin Harrison. Price, `One Family', p. 172, p. 193.

[17] An examination of Hobhouse's connections here reveals how intermarried were the correspondents of Duncan Campbell. Various Braxtons were nephews of Landon Carter. The Tayloe planters intermarried with the Carters, the Washingtons, the powerful Lee family whose plantations included Chantilly, while a Lee-Fitzhugh marriage can be noted. Colonel John Tayloe, (born 1747) was a planter and slaver. (Stella Pickett Hardy, Colonial Families, p. 499). He had a noted racing horse, Yorick. (Greene, Carter Diary, Vol. 1, p. 255 and elsewhere). By 1718 Tayloe was dealing with Messrs James and Lyonel Lyde of Bristol, as noted in John M. Hemphill's thesis cited elsewhere. He helped establish the port of Dumfries with George Mason. By 1747 he was Virginia colonial agent. (Olson, `Virginia Merchants in London', p. 378.) A twin, John II Tayloe (born 1721) of Mount Airy, Virginia, in 1748 married Rebecca Plater; he was the son of planter John Tayloe, and Elizabeth Gwynne. (Stella Pickett Hardy, Colonial Families, p. 120, p. 499.)

[18] Hobhouse: Kellock, `London Merchants', p. 133 and notes thereto. W. F. Minchinton, p. 53 in `Slave trade of Bristol' in Roger Anstey and P. E. How, (Eds.), Liverpool, The African Slave Trade And Abolition. Vol. 2. Historical Society of Lancashire and Cheshire, 1976.

[19] Ver Steeg, Robert Morris, p. 58.

[20] On Ridley: Klingelhofer, `Ridley Diary', pp. 96-97.

[21] Ver Steeg, Robert Morris, p. 74, p. 139.

[22] Ver Steeg, Robert Morris,  p. 145. Ridley's name appears on scholars' lists of figures involved in early American corporations.

[23] William Graham Sumner, The Financier and the Finances of the American Revolution. Two Vols. 1891. Vol. 2., Chapter XVIII.

[24] Neil Rhind, The Heath, earlier cited, p. 67. Drawn from original documents at the Lewisham Local History Centre, the following is a list of Blackheath rent payers (or lease holders, or those paying land tax) who were not as far as is known, associated with any context in early Australian history: * In 1784: Thomas Lucas let to Christopher Sell. Lord Dartmouth let to George Marsh. Benjamin Hammett. Mr. Brook let to Edward King. Mr. Tennent let to Mr. King. * In 1785: Lord Dartmouth let to William Campbell. John Atkins let to Henry Atkins. John Stevens let to William Arrowsmith. Messrs Campbell and Co. let to John Baker. * In 1786: (PT86/527/7) Sir Gregory Turner let to William Jameson. Lord Dartmouth let to Robert and John Bell. Bridgehouse land was let to Mr. Neatsby. * In 1787: (PT86/527/8) Lord Dartmouth let to Mr. Wilberforce. * In 1788: (PT86/527/9) Lord Dartmouth let to Mr. Griffin. Earl Nugent, himself. Other names include: Mr. Needham, a Mr. Colvert (sic, not Calvert), Mr. Cummings, John Wright, John Corbett Jnr, Duke of Buccleugh (sic), Mr. Langdale, Geo Skinner, W Blackmore. Bradshaw and Co., apparent land developers, also had many tenants in their own right at Blackheath.

[25] PT 80/409/2, LLHC. The Lewisham Local History Centre is in the former residence of the banker Francis Baring, The Manor House, Old Road, Lewisham, London. Edward Hasted, The History and Topographical Survey of the County of Kent. Four Vols. Canterbury, 1778-1799. Here, Vol. 3, pp. 330, 353, 480.

[26] Per Elizabeth John, Legal Director and secretary, Brandshatch Leisure plc (Fawkham, Longfield Kent England DA3 8NG, to the author on 15 Feb., 1993, reported that archive material was non-existent, and so she could not answer any query on Campbell and Brandshatch land.

[27] Burke's Peerage indicates that Edward Viscount Coke in 1747 had married Mary Campbell, (died 30 Sept. 1811) co-heir of John Duke of Argyll and Greenwich. This possibly was the Duke of Argyll assisting Duncan's brother Neil to obtain a position at the Royal Warren in Greenwich, in 1775.

[28] John Mumford, appointed the High Sheriff of Kent in 1796, is noted as of Sutton-at-Hone, which is 4km-5km south west of Dartford, about 2km south-west of Wilmington. The name Mumford is sen in parish entries there from the 1680s; the Mumford family had considerable connections with the area around Dartford, with Wilmington close by; and the Peele Vault, in which one of Campbell's daughters was laid to rest.

[29] Campbell to the (fourth) Earl of Selkirk, 1 March, 1786, discussed Mrs. Colden and her boys' education. Campbell to General William Robertson, Upper Harley Street, on 6 February, 1786, mentioned the continuation of HM' bounty for the sons of "my poor Kinswoman".

[30] Records, Hanover Parish, Jamaica; the burial 23 September, 1781 of Rebecca Campbell. Microfilm of the Jamaican Registers are available at the Mormon Church Family History Centre in London. I am indebted to Dr Lorne Campbell, London for this information.

[31] Hamill, The Craft, p. 49. George Mackaness, (Ed.), `Fresh Light on Bligh - Some Unpublished Correspondence', Australian Historical Monographs, Vol. V, (New Series), Reprinted 1976 by Review Pubs., Dubbo, NSW, Australia., p. 37.

[32] Bligh's remarks on Campbell: Mackaness, The Life of Vice-Admiral Bligh, Vol. 1, p. 37. I have referred to Mackaness' treatment of the Campbell Letterbooks in my Commentary on Oldham's Thesis; Oldham, Britain's Convicts, pp. 255ff.

[33] Bligh wearing a Masonic symbol is depicted in a brochure, Compilation, National Maritime Museum, 1989, published for a major exhibition: Mutiny On The Bounty, 1789-1989. London, Manorial Research PLC, 1989, p. 64 (iii).

[34] Richard Hough, Captain Bligh and Mr Christian. London, Hutchinson, 1972., p. 40.

[35] Manx Museum Library papers. I am indebted to Manx archivist Ann Harrison for information on Betham: Atholl Paper Index, The Manx Museum Library, Isle of Man, from originals entries on Betham (d. 1789): made a Judge of the Admiralty Court, 6 Sept., 1765, and as Manx receiver-general warred on smugglers. London regarded the isle as "a nest of smugglers". On Christian and the Isle of Man see Glynn Christian, Fragile Paradise: The Discovery of Fletcher Christian, Bounty Mutineer. London, Hamish Hamilton, 1982. On the stoppage of tea smuggling on the Isle of Man, which Betham presumably managed, see Mui Hoh-cheung and Lorna M. Mui, `Smuggling and British Tea Trade before 1784', American Historical Review, Vol. LXXIV, No. 1, October 1968., pp. 41-73., here, p. 58.

[36] Kennedy, Bligh, pp. 5-6. Campbell is presumed by Mackaness to have been at the wedding.

[37] On 22 Feb., 1781, William Mumford was at Campbell's elbow, but it is hard to know if this was a small child, Mumford, or an adult.

[38] Duncan Campbell Letterbooks: Transcript from ML, A3227, p. 269.

[39] Duncan Campbell Letterbooks: Note to Campbell Letter No. 70: There is a letter to Wright dated 16 June, 1781.

[40] Duncan Campbell Letterbooks: Transcript from Private Letterbooks, Vol. 2: Note to Campbell Letter No. 70: Later, Mary the eloper lived with her father-in-law Baillie George Willox, while her husband was recruiting in England at the end of 1781. Campbell later decided that if he ever saw Willox altogether deserving he would not neglect him. Rev. Colin's son, Lt. John Campbell had married George Willox' daughter Jessie.

[41] Clifford Tolchard, The Humble Adventurer, The Life and Times of James Ruse, Convict and Farmer. Melbourne, Landsdowne Press, 1965., p. 18, p. 33, citing  Phillip to Lord Sydney, 12 March, 1787.

[42] Gillen, Founders of Australia, earlier cited.

[43] The names of these justices will be encountered frequently where convict sentencings are consulted. Mollie Gillen laboured for 20 years tidying information on the lives of individual convicts. Tolchard, The Life and Times of James Ruse,  p. 18. Tolchard incidentally conveys that James Ruse was once on the Dunkirk hulk at Plymouth. Gillen however has stated that Ruse went to his First Fleet ship from the hulk Censor by wagon on 27 February, 1787.  The log of Scarborough indicates that a party of convicts were embarked on 4 March, 1787. Convicts from the hulk Dunkirk did not leave Dunkirk until 11 March. I have found that Ruse once he was sent from Bodmin in Cornwall spent much time in the Wood St. Compter, London, where the gaoler was named Kirby. Such confusions still existing about the career of a well-known convict such as Ruse amply demonstrate the confusions which had to be untangled by authority before the First Fleet sailed.

[44] Duncan Campbell Letterbooks, ML, A3231.

[45] Duncan Campbell Letterbooks: Transcript from Private Letterbooks of Duncan Campbell, Vol. 2: Note to Campbell Letter No. 72: Having moved his troops into Yorktown, Virginia, in 1781 on 19 October, Lord Cornwallis surrendered more than 7,000 men after having failed to cut his way out of positions to cross the river. Cornwallis from 1786 was governor-general of India, conducting a reforming administration there. He was master-general of the ordnance 1795-1801, and viceroy and commander-in-chief in Ireland where he put down the rebellion of 1798 and helped effect the Union. He voted for Catholic Emancipation, died on returning to India. Watson, Geo III, p. 209.

[46] Sumner, Robert Morris, Vol. 1, p. 307.

[47] Ver Steeg,  Robert Morris, p. 78; in 1781, Samuel Bean of New York wanted to deal with Morris in correspondence for the mutual benefit of US and Britain. Cornwallis: Ferguson, Purse, pp. 130-132.

[48] Duncan Campbell Letterbooks: Transcript from Private Letterbooks, Vol. 2.

[49] House of  Commons Journal, Vol. 41, 1786, p. 344. 1 Dec., 1785. To Anty Calvert Esqr for Freight of Provisions for Africa Co. in 1781 for the use of troops on coast of Africa, £199. On the Africa Company:  J. J. Crooks, Records Relating to the Gold Coast Settlements from 1750 to 1874. London, Frank Cass, 1973. First published, 1923. Elder Brethren of Trinity House, in 1779 included Capt. Anthony Calvert; in 1781 Sir Charles Middleton; in 1790 William Pitt PM; in 1792 Earl of Chatam; in 1793 Rt. Hon Lord Grenville; in 1793 Henry Dundas; in 1795 Lord Hood; in 1799 Capt. George Curtis. I am grateful to London researcher Gillian Hughes for finding this information.

[50] 1781, Feb: - Africa Company contact Henry Smeathman had a paper appear in The Philosophical Transactions of The Royal Society of London, Vol. LXXI in 1781, entitled `Some Account Of The Termites Which Are Found In Africa And Other Hot Climates'. Information per Mollie Gillen in litt. 15 Feb., 1781, letter from Henry Smeathman of Clement's Inn, London, to Sir J. Banks, read to Royal Society (RSA), original letter dated 23 January, 1781. Dawson, The Banks Letters, p. 758 for an entry on Smeathman. He is described as a botanical collector and aeronaut.

[51] Later, from 1843, known as the West India Committee (West India Planters and Merchants), the inheritor of all questions West Indian.

[52] The Penrhyn family history is difficult to trace. Later in 1781, planter Richard Pennant (1737-1808) was chairman; MP for Liverpool, later first Baron Penrhyn, or, Lord Penrhyn. He was an agricultural improver who put sugar profits into Welsh slate quarries. Some of his family history is given in Richard B. Sheridan, 'The Wealth of Jamaica in the Eighteenth Century: A Rejoinder', Economic History Review, Series 2, Vol. 21, 1968., pp. 46-61. Burke's Peerage and Baronetage, for Penrhyn.

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