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`The whole city was in tears': Currying favour with gaolers: `Think what you are about': Moving into Mincing Lane: The little-known Sir Robert Herries: Background to the Boston Tea Party and the international tea trade:


The Blackheath Connection

Chapter 14


`The whole city was in tears':


By mid-1772, reports circulated in London and Maryland about the collapse of Fordyce and Co., and Londoners were beginning to press Marylanders severely for repayments. ([1]) (Things were better in London by mid-1773, however). In mid-1772, Mauduit Wright and Co. of London sent a large order of goods to Stephen West of Prince George's County, somewhat nervous because of "the critical State of Credit in London". The Marylanders involved defaulted on this and following transactions, and ended with their credit ruined in London.


The bust hit hard. The quotes are exotic. Clapham notes that by 22 June, 1772 "universal bankruptcy was expected" in London... "the whole City was in an uproar - the whole City was in tears", ([2]) "universal bankruptcy" was expected. Neale, James, Fordyce and Co. had been declared bankrupt. Several Scots banks encountered serious trouble when Alexander Fordyce faltered, then absconded. ([3]) ([4]) During 1773, the crisis spread to the Continent. And by May 1773 the East India Company was contemplating new tea marketing measures designed to foil smugglers. The Company's tactics for exporting tea to America were to brew a disaster for Britain now known as the Boston Tea Party. ([5])


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Some victims of the 1772 financial bust were the Adam Bros., the four Scots brothers, one banker and three architects; John, Robert, James and Adam; the doyens of architecture, building, interior decoration, domestic taste and fashion in London. Robert and William Adam on 3 March, 1774, held a lottery of their goods drawn outside Jonathan's Coffee House, Exchange Court, ([6]) at the opposite side of the Strand. They required a lottery to raise funds to continue building the Adelphi by the Strand, an ambitious development and still a splendid London precinct. ([7]) The Adelphi became a combination of houses in one great architectural scheme, with vaulted warehouses beneath them with direct access to the river. The Adelphi was the result of Robert Adam's inspiration when he visited Spalato, (in modern former Yugoslavia, at Split), viewing the ruins of a palace of Diocletian. In 1768 the Adam Bros. pooled resources and leased from the Duke of St Albans a piece of land called Durham Yard for 99 years. It then had, "small, dilapidated houses". Later, however, the embanking of the Thames shut the warehouses from direct access to the water. ([8])


The Adelphi... The Adam style "still suggests exquisitely moulded fireplaces, door knobs, and nymphs and charioteers in stucco", writes John Hillaby. ([9]) .... "delicate medallions, symbolic motifs and mythical animals, bosomy sphinxes, griffins, cherubic putti "all carefully bordered and wrapped about with floral arabesques". Hillaby also feels that one of the few remaining glories of the Adams' Adelphi is The Society of Arts Building, at the corner of Robert and John Adam Street. One contemporary critic of the Adelphi said, "the work of the Adelphi leaped about. It looked so light and airy". ([10]) Walpole criticised it all trenchantly. Things went wrong. The Ordnance Department failed to rent vaults for storage, the company of watermen and lightermen disliked the idea of so much storage capacity so near the river. First class residences found some opposition in the City. The actor Garrick bought one house but other fashionable types failed to follow. A state lottery helped, with the houses as prizes. The Adam Bros. had to sell their art treasures and speculation worried them for years. Later literary figures living about the Adelphi have included Thomas Hardy, G. B. Shaw, Galsworthy and J. M. Barrie. The Savage Club met there. The Adelphi precinct once housed an office of The Lancet; also some old offices of The New York Times. The residency of England's arch convict contractor, Duncan Campbell, is not part of the precinct's history published for the modern tourism industry!


The Adams Brothers wrote to Campbell about an issue of bonds they were concerned with. He replied...


Campbell Letter 31:

Undated in the original

Probably written Dec 8, 1772.


Mr William Adam,

I have this day made the necessary inquiry about the Nature of the Bonds you proposed putting into my hands, and I have tryed many of my Acquaintances who have money laid out in funds at a lower Interest than these Bonds but I find they are not a Saleable Commodity even at a discount which I would willing have given to enable me to accomodate you but not being able to liquidate them, it will be out of my power to sink money just at this time, as I am realy loaded with Goods on hand which put me to my ships - If any other method can be fallen upon to make this settlement reciprocally convenient, I shall most readily come into it. ([11])


Campbell directed other occasional letters to Messrs Adam. ([12]) The transactions referred to may have been associated with the financial moves the Adam brothers were making for their Adelphi development. But of course, the sale of any bonds would have been retarded by the financial crisis in London during 1772.


The Adelphi development did proceed. The dining room and bar of The Society for the Encouragement of Arts, have been in use at 8 John Adam Street since 1774. From today's Cleopatra's Needle on the Thames bank, across the Victoria Embankment Gardens, Robert Street the Adelphi lies roughly NW-NNW. Today the precinct is close to Charing Cross Hotel, Strand Palace Hotel, Savoy Theatre Hotel. Further away are the Royal Opera House and Drury Lane Theatre. The nearest piers to the Adelphi on the Thames' north bank are Charing Cross and Waterloo. On the river at the Adelphi in Campbell's time were stairs direct to the water. Somewhat further were the Legal Quays, where dutiable goods were landed. Also, Lincoln's Inn, the meeting place of the legal fraternity, Leadenhall Street the site of the East India Company offices, and Fenchurch Street. The present-day Customs House stands where the legal quays had once been. From the Adelphi, only a short carriage drive would have been necessary to arrive at the Admiralty, the War Office, the Board of Trade, and today's Foreign Office and Whitehall.


* * *


Currying favour with gaolers:


The convict service wobbled on. On 3 July, 1772 Campbell wrote to the Keeper of Oakham Gaol, a ship was ready to sail on the 15th. ([13]) To John Dickson, 7 March, 1772, in Jamaica. Probably feeling by now as harsh about unpaid debts as most Londoners, Campbell wrote to Samuel Orvings on 31 March, 1772, advising Capt. Kidd on Thornton would call in the Maryland debts due to JS&C. During 1772, Tayloe had been sailing for JS&C, Capt. Dougal McDougal; later, she had to be repaired at Falmouth. ([14]) On 2 March, 1772, Campbell wrote to Peter Thornton. Campbell wrote to John Tayloe, John Page, 1 April, 1772. By 12 May he was writing to the Keeper at Oakham Gaol about a convict for transport. ([15]) On 16 June, 1772, he wrote to Messrs Bently and Boardman, "This days post brought me your favour covering your drafts upon Thomas and Stone for 12 pounds 12:0 which when paid shall be placed to the credit of Richard Betham Esq: agreeable to your desire I am"... ([16])


On 20 June, 1772, he wrote to Neil Jameson and Co, about one of his ships been taking lumber from Philadelphia to Jamaica, a ship arriving in Virginia was to be directed by Mr Tom Hodges; lumber was on Orange Bay. Campbell wrote to Isaac Strong on 3 July, 1772. In July, six felons fled his ship Thornton after it had reached Leedstown on the Rappahanock River. in Virginia. On 16 July, 1772, Campbell wrote to the Keeper of HM Gaol at Maidstone. [Capt. McDougal was on Tayloe, Capt. Gillies was on Justitia. ([17]) By October 1772, Campbell wrote to his brother-in-law, the sugar and rum markets were poorly. ([18])


* * *


'Think what you are about!'


It was always anathema to Campbell, and provoked a punitive response from him, that a person would set themselves "at defiance" with the world. There were times when he was unforgiving. Campbell when he was angry often admonished a man - "think what you are about!" If the man did not think according to Campbell's lights he was quickly dispensed with. Campbell's abhorrence that a man's attitude might have been "at defiance with the world" possibly coloured his attitudes to convicted criminals, but interestingly there is little evidence of it from his Letterbooks.


Campbell Letter 32:

London 8 Oct 1772

Capt Neil Gillis

I write this to request the favour of you to call upon me with the remainder of your Account for the Justitia: which ship as she is now so soon to be sold it may be proper to Acquaint you that I shall have no further occasion for your service so that from this day you will take notice that your wages as Master of that Ship ceases. I wish to make an amicable settlement with ever man I have settle with, & I hope you will not oblige me to move that Principle take my word for it you will not find it turn out to your reputation if I am obliged to take such steps - It seems you are deaf to the Crys of your poor Mate's Widow who applys to you for information about her husband's affairs: for Gods Sake Man think what you are about! do not set the World and Reputation at defiance - I am ([19]) ([20]) ([21])


* * *


Campbell's letters to gaol keepers revealed some of the day-to-day aspects of the old form of the convict service. Thornton Capt. Kid had been sent also on an errand of debt collecting following Stewart's death. (Thornton had used to land at the Patapsco River, Virginia, while the main delivery point was on the Rappahanock River). By the dissolution of the JS&C partnership, Campbell had inherited part of the iron works, the ships Tayloe and Thornton as well. ([22]) At the time he was distressed as well by depression in the tobacco market. For John Page of Virginia he had sold 44 hogsheads of tobacco bought by Justitia, and as he complained to the Honble John Tayloe, the tobaccoes bought by Thornton, had been poorly bundled, cured and packed.


By way of reprimand, Campbell recalled when he "used to sell at the top of the market". ([23]) He had recently been displeased to have to dispose of some iron recently back on Thornton from Virginia (which he did unload in London for 6/10/- per ton). The iron had originally come from the Ceceqhona ironworks in Virginia, an investment for both Tayloes and Thorntons. ([24]) Between 1772 and July 1774 the Honble. John Tayloe assisted Campbell by purchasing part of the Thornton family moeity in the Ceceqhona ironworks, for which favour the merchant gratefully thanked Tayloe. (About 1773 there were some 65 ironworks in the Chesapeake area). ([25])


The replacement for Neil Gillis was Capt. Finley Gray. On 5 November, 1772 Campbell wrote to the Gaoler at Oakham about a convict transport for Justitia Capt. Gray, leaving on the 14th. ([26]) On 9 November, 1772, Campbell wrote to Isaac Strong Esq., Clerk of the Peace at Peterboro, about convicts for a ship at Blackwall, and the same day, 9 November, 1772, to the gaol keeper at Aylesbury, Bucks, mentioning Mr. Bury. ([27])


* * *


Moving into Mincing Lane:


By 17 November, 1772, Campbell could send 44 hogsheads of tobacco to Johan and Abraham Retberg and Sons of Bremen, per Capt. Sager on Christian. Despite a hard year, in December 1772 he still had enough spirit and means to move into a new address at 1 Mincing Lane. ([28]) Probably, the move had been enabled by profit he had gained from Stewart's death (despite a need to buy debts?); or a need to quit Stewart's former premises? The new address was ideal for a merchant, as close to the river as it was to Lloyd's, ([29]) Cornhill, and other merchants' haunts. Mincing Lane was between Fenchurch and Eastcheap Streets, near Tower Hill; near the Legal Quays, the site of London's present customs house. One of Campbell's neighbours would be the banker, Francis Baring.


Campbell Letter 33:

London Dec 12, 1772

John Campbell Esq of Saltspring

....and in that letter I mentioned that McDougal was not destined for Jamaica it would have been lucky for me had he been unprovided for in Virginia from all appearances I shall be a considerable loser by his cargo as indeed I shall be on the Thornton, the delay the Board of Treasury seems disposed to give me though I have now I think fully answered, all their Queries seemed to forebode no very favourable event, never the less I shall not easily acquit them. However this circumstance together with the very dull state of our tobacco markets ..... you will regulate your matters independent of me as I said in that letter, you can contrive to give me an alternative without giving a certain person hold of either you or me but by my choice .... we are all well & Busy as you can suppose moving our furniture into Mincing Lane where we intend to eat our Christmas Dinner. ([30]) ([31])


In the interim, Campbell had also been obliged to engage in a renewed outbreak of the family power struggle to retain control of Saltspring estate in Jamaica.


* * *


The little-known Sir Robert Herries, banker and tobacco buyer:


Sir Robert Herries has a career driven underground, as it were, by the way the history of the American War of Independence has been written. He can be glimpsed however, moving in a little-known environment - tobacco dealing after 1772. Also inhabiting that environment was the amazing Philadelphia financier, Robert Morris. Herries is also noticed in tenuous connection with another set of significant but little known traders in the revolutionary period, Hopes of Amsterdam. ([32]) Further, Herries began a bank which from 1812-1815 was to play a significant role in the economic development of colonial New South Wales, Australia, Herries-Farquhar. The tale is tortuous.


Firstly, Herries' family history... ([33]) The apparent progenitor is an Edinburgh merchant, William Herries, wife unknown. He had a son, Rev. Robert Herries (1616-1662) who married Janet Mackison of South Leith. Two fifth generation men of this line were William Herries a merchant of Leith, father of Michael (1715-1799), and Robert Herries, a merchant of Rotterdam, father of Robert (d. 1845) below. The Rotterdam merchant is said to have saved the family from financial ruin. In the sixth generation of this line appeared Sir Robert Herries (1730-1815) the tobacco buyer, with other contemporaries in the family being an unmarried banker, Robert Herries (d. 1845, of the bank Herries-Farquhar), William Herries of Herries-Farquhar, and Anna Herries who married William Young, a governor of Tobago; plus Michael Herries (1715-1799) a merchant of Glasgow and London. ([34]) This Michael Herries dealt with a consortium of slavers dealing with Sierra Leone, as is noted in David Hancock's recent book. ([35])


The man becoming Sir Robert Herries worked first in a Rotterdam counting house, which resulted in him becoming a staff member for Hopes of Amsterdam, Scots merchants with a wide reach in both North America and Europe. He also became acquainted with Coutts bankers of London, who had begun as tobacco dealers. ([36]) Herries later set up on his own in Barcelona. By 1762 the St. Mary Axe branch of Coutts was worn a little thin, so Robert Herries was asked in, to deal with European banking business only. A Herries concern, Herries, Cochrane and Co., did well enough to shift aside Coutts interests here, and Coutts gave way to a partnership between Herries, Sir William Forbes ([37]) and James Hunter Blair. ([38]) This partnership, with Herries' relatives and Sir William Pulteney founded the London Exchange Banking Company, in 1771-1772, as Herries conceived the idea of marketing "traveller's cheques", an idea he successfully broached to Hopes, who retained extensive European connections. This operation opened in No. 16 St James Street in 1772 (this Exchange became Sir Robert Herries and Co., then Herries/Farquhar and Co., bankers, absorbed by Lloyds in 1839). ([39]) Coutts were not interested in notions of travellers' cheques, and also took competitive umbrage, as this sort of financial product appealed precisely to their sort of customer.


By 1771, Herries had moved into tobacco dealing, dealing mostly with Scots importers of American tobacco, not Londoners like Campbell. Against Scots rivals, Herries' firm had gotten the contract to supply the French Farmers-General with tobacco. By 1774 Herries had also obtained an extensive contract to supply tobacco to or from London. The control he wished to exercise over tobacco handling disturbed his partners, who withdrew in 1775. Presumably, considerations of the outbreak of the American War were a factor here. Meanwhile, from late 1775, in North America, the Philadelphian Robert Morris was given virtual control over the marketing of the American tobacco crop, and obviously, the most reliable market was into or via France. It also seems that as the war progressed, but as an unresearched matter, many Scots mariners took tobacco from North America by roundabout sailing routes; of which Herries was presumably aware. ([40])


By June 1776, Morris warned Herries that unless Herries could undertake to have tobacco shipped reliably to France, Morris would have to organise it himself; that is, oust Herries from supplying the French Farmers-General, who were anyway notorious for beating down prices since they could command such a large market share. Herries managed to regulate his supplies so that he kept the contract. ([41]) And, (2) that the unresearched activities of Scots mariners in tobacco handling had much to do with support from Herries. Remarkably, in 1781, Herries suggested that the Americans be allowed to trade direct with India; which presumably the East India Company did not appreciate? Sir Robert Herries retired from business in 1798. ([42]) Herries' career as a "creative" tobacco dealer, banker and financier is fascinating... ([43]) He had a little-publicised role in the affair later known as the Boston Tea Party.


International background to the Boston Tea Party and the colonial tea trade:


While financial circles in London, Glasgow and American colonies were rocked by financial instability partly caused by the East India Company and the Fordyce problem, (which in part arose out of administrative absurdities on the part of an officer of the crown), Britain closed its eyes to three great zones of suffering, which were:

(1) Bengal, with famine and several generations of upheaval in traditional Indian life due to commercial and military incursions by Europeans;

(2) The slave trade, a mainstay for the security of sugar revenues; and

(3) The felt political pain of the Americans, the best-educated people in these three zones of suffering.


The government decided merely to back a plan to milk the Americans of tea revenue to prop up the Company, and so the Company could repay its recent loan from the government. When the Americans protested, British merchants became cautious and fearful, but the government became more arrogant. ([44])


Bohea tea in 1767 cost 22 pence per pound, in Amsterdam (possibly as purchased from Hope Bros.?). Unnamed London merchants specialised in tea handling. ([45]) By 1754, the Boston merchant John Hancock was getting tea from St Eustatias, a Dutch-held island in the Caribbean, via Thomas and Adrian Hope, "Dutch merchants" in Amsterdam. By 1755 a New York tea smuggler was New York merchant John Ludlow. John Kidd a merchant of Philadelphia in 1757 informed his London correspondents that Dutch ships with Palatine immigrants to Pennsylvania also carried much Dutch tea. In 1757, the governor of New York, Charles Hardy, commented on the illicit Dutch tea trade.


By March 1763 a tea handler in Plymouth was Meletiah Bourne, who hired Capt. Churchill's schooner Sally, and sent him to Amsterdam with rice, a forbidden commodity. In November 1759 a New Londoner, Nathaniel Shaw, with two New York firms got Bohea tea from Hamburg. Gottenburg had rockbottom prices for tea. By 1760 in Philadelphia a tea handler using Teneriffe was Tench Francis. By the mid-1750s, the New Yorker John Waddell sent tea to Thomas Wharton at Philadelphia, with one Marcus Hook handling the tea's final leg; officials here were corrupted. The Townshend Act of 1767 meant England had gotten tired of all this. ([46]) Colonial merchants objecting to British attitudes included John Hancock, Thomas Wharton and John Dickinson of Philadelphia. In 1770, Hancock had a ship Lydia handling tea cargoes in a manner designed to provoke British interests. ([47]) Attempts were made in England in the fall and winter of 1772-1773 by various figures including Rockingham, but all ideas expressed "suffered from short-term expediency."


One idea came from John Almon in his pamphlet, "The Present State of the East India Company's Affairs", of late 1772. George Dempster, an MP and an East India Company director had a plan resembling Rockingham's. The deputy-chairman of the East India Company, Laurence Sulivan (the determined political enemy of Clive of India), planned to raise money with an issue of new stocks and bonds worth a final 1,300,000. ([48]) Mr. Bosanquet had yet another idea - and at this point in his narrative, a useful historian, Labaree, confesses he did not know who Robert Herries was... ([49])


We find that ... Herries brought in new partners, Sir William Forbes, a landless baronet; and son of a merchant of Ayr, two clerks in the Edinburgh end of the firm, Sir James Hunter (later Sir James Hunter Blair, Bart), and in 1762, Robert Herries of Barcelona (shipping brandy to the Channel Isles and the Isle of Man for the smuggling trade), who had links to Amsterdam Scottish-Quaker firm, Hope and Co. Herries' grain handling business from America had brought him into contact with major firms such as Willing and Robert Morris of Philadelphia. By 1762 the London firm was known as Herries, Cochrane and Co., from 1766 it became Herries and Co. In 1773 its style changed to Sir William Forbes, James Hunter and Co. Herries later established a separate bank in St James' Street. The major Rotterdam correspondent of Herries was James Craufurd (sic). ([50])


By about September 1772, two men named Robert Herries had each invested 500 in the East India Company - one Sir Robert Herries, and one Robert Herries Esq. There was another family member, Michael Herries who had had 1000 in Company stock since July 1769. ([51]) Robert Herries produced a plan, "The Present State of the East India Company's Affairs". (Robert Herries, banker and a Colonel of the City Light Horse Volunteers was knighted in 1774. By 1780, Sir Robert Herries as London banker had sat for Dumfries, Kirkcudbright, Sanquhar, Annan and Lochmaben. He died in 1815 aged 85 years.)


Herries' plan suggested that the price of English tea be reduced and sold on the Continent as a dumping exercise. There was no early mention of America in this plan. Company directors learned of Herries' plan and he met with them and a Committee of Treasury and Warehouses of the Company at India House on 5 January, 1773. On 6 January the directors approved the combined committees' recommendations and the chairman of the Company would see Lord North. On 7 January the Company's General Court wholly adopted Herries' plan! On 8 January the Company wrote to Hope and Co. in Amsterdam, major suppliers of Dutch tea smuggled into America colonies, would they sell dumped English tea on the Continent?


The Company asked Hopes for a remittance in advance if they agreed. Thomas and Adrian Hope replied discouragingly on the 12th. They felt that if the Company dumped tea on the Continent, the price of tea in England would rise and encourage even more tea smuggling to England itself, rendering moves counterproductive. So Hopes suggested, why not dump the tea in America, not in Europe? Company directors also sounded out a European firm, Messrs Romberg and Co., about the Herries' dumping plan, and they liked the idea very much. Shortly the Company decided to try to undercut smuggled Dutch tea in America, and on 25 February the Company asked government for permission to sell tea duty-free to America, as well as sell to Europe via Rombergs as earlier suggested. (The Company was legally obliged to keep certain minimum inventories of tea on hand in England.) This went to Parliament on 2 March. Not till 26 April did prime minister North present his ideas on tea. ([52])


Labaree notes that a London tea dealer, William Palmer, had objected to the Herries plan from the start. ([53]) Once the public became aware of the plan, Palmer (who was in regular touch with Governor Hutchinson in London) by 19 May had urged the Company to start planning its tea export to America. A Philadelphia merchant, Gilbert Barkley (and his partner also of Philadelphia, John Inglis), wanted the Company to establish warehouses in American towns, preferably their towns, to auction tea as was customary in England. An opinion came from Thomas Walpole, nephew of the famous Robert Walpole, a London merchant-banker, who wanted tea dealing centered in Philadelphia. He was associated with Benjamin Franklin and the Whartons, other prominent Philadelphians in the Vandalia Land Company interested in Illinois. By June and July 1773 in London, various London firms had been nominated by American firms to engage in tea deals. (Chairman of the East India Company was now Crabb Bolton.) ([54])


Boston firms intending to make a deal were Thomas and Elisha Hutchinson, Richard Clarke and Sons, and Benjamin Faneuil and Edward Winslow (there was also a Joshua Winslow), all engaged with one single London name (who was possibly Abraham Dupois). On the advice of William Palmer, the number of chests for America expanded from 1700 to 2000. For ships, Jonathan Clarke offered his firm's brig William (probably owned by Clarkes). George Hayley of London offered American-owned ships, one being Dartmouth (Capt. Hall) (for Boston, owned by Joseph Rotch, formerly of Nantucket but now a rich whale oil merchant (of Dartmouth, Massachusetts, the father of Francis). Hayley also offered the ship London (Capt. Curling), for Charlestown. A ship Polly (Capt. Ayres with Gilbert Barkley from Philadelphia aboard) was for Philadelphia; Nancy (Capt. Lockyer) for New York. Intended for Boston would be ships Dartmouth (which would reload whale oil); and some merchants earlier had begun considering importing spices and silks from the East India Company. Other ships mentioned included Eleanor (Capt. Bruce a hot-headed Tory, owned by John Rowe), and the brigs William, and Beaver (Beaver brought smallpox as well as tea to Boston).


One London merchant long experienced in American trade, Richard Reeve, wrote to Lord North that the terms of the deal - especially the timing by which the tea duties were to be paid and other monies remitted to England - might be regarded as inflammatory in the colonies. His warnings, like other warnings, were not heeded. ([55]) In dealing with the East India Company, North included an ingenious way for the Company to dispose of excess tea inventory, still under Townshend duties - the Company had to pay a 3d duty on entering the tea to America but not the 12d English duty formerly payable. They could also send tea direct to America on their own account, instead of having middlemen in England handle it, so this reduced costs. It was thought the tea would sell at 10/- per pound, instead of the former 20/- per pound price for legal tea. So with a greater volume of sale hoped for, 298 chests of tea worth 10,994 were sent to Boston. In all, the Company would assist with measures against smugglers now that it could ship tea direct to smuggling centres in America, such as New York and Philadelphia.


A young Boston merchant, Jonathan Williams Jnr., wrote to his relative in London, Benjamin Franklin. Another Boston merchant was Henry Bromfield, who was told of matters by his brother Thomas in London. On 26 May, 1773, the London merchant and East India Company director Frederick Pigou Jnr., ([56]) wrote to the Philadelphia merchants, James and Drinker. In New York was a firm, Pigou and Booth (with Benjamin Booth, lately from London and a long-experienced London merchant). Booth was a senior partner of Pigou Snr. of London, who had earlier had experience as an East India Company supervisor at Canton. Samuel Wharton in London sent news to his brothers in Philadelphia. By August the Americans had learned of the Company's actual intentions. Pigou and Booth would sell tea to James and Drinker of Philadelphia, and in New York, Pigou and Booth became spokesmen of all New York consignees for the tea deals being drawn. ([57])


Tea for Philadelphia was jointly for James and Drinker, Thomas and Isaac Wharton, Jonathan Browne (with a brother George in London) and Gilbert Barkley. Quaker merchants of Philadelphia were Abel James, Henry Drinker (who had deals with Fred Pigou Jnr in London), Thomas and Isaac Wharton (plus their brother Samuel in London). The hard-to-research London firm, Lane Son and Fraser, also reappears here. ([58])


(As for later tea dealings? In early March 1774, the brig Fortune (Capt. Gorham, owned by Thomas Walley) arrived in Boston with tea consigned to Henry Lloyd from the London firm Davidson and Newman. In late June 1774 the tea ship arrived, Grosvenor, owned by Edward Parry. In London on 18 March 1774, a merchant committee headed by Champion (Richard, of Bristol?) and Dickinson, Hayley and Hopkins, plus Lane Son and Fraser, to discuss Boston matters and they offered a surety of 16,000 to cool things down; an offer not taken up.) ([59])


In autumn 1773, seven vessels with 600,000 pounds of tea would sail to small groups of merchants at Boston, New York, Philadelphia and Charlestown Carolina. The tea was priced, plus the Townshend duty of three pence per pound, to be competitive with smuggled Dutch tea. Boston colonists determined the tea would not be landed, and customs officials at Charlestown impounded and stored tea consignments. At Philadelphia and New York the ships were turned back. On 16 December, 1773 the Boston "patriots" dumped 340 chests of tea. ([60])


* * *


[Finis Chapter 14]

Chapter 14 words 5180 words with footnotes 9652 pages 16 footnotes 60



[1] T. Thompson, `Personal Indebtedness', p. 22.

[2] Sir John Clapham, The Bank of England: A History. 2 Vols. Cambridge Univ. Press. 1944., p. 247.

[3] Campbell to James Stewart, Oporto, 23 June, 1773. Houses failing had been bankers Neal James Fordyce and Down; Fordyce, Grand and Co., London and Scotland. Chas Ferguson and Co., London. William Alexander and Sons, Edinburgh. R. H. Campbell, Carron Company. Edinburgh, Oliver and Boyd, 1961. (A company history). W. E. Hughes, Chronicles of Blackheath Golfers. London, Chapman and Hall, 1897.

[4] Clapham, Bank of England, Vol. 1, pp. 244-247. Note 75: On Fordyce absconding from London: J. Steven Watson, The Reign of George III, 1760-1815. Oxford at the Clarendon Press, 1960., p. 62. Tommy R. Thompson, 'Personal Indebtedness' p. 22; Sheridan, 'British Credit Crisis', variously.

[5] On the outbreak of American Revolution, Barbara Tuchman, The March of Folly: From Troy to Vietnam. London, Abacus, 1985., pp. 239-242ff; and pp. 259ff concerning Lord Dartmouth. Benjamin W. Labaree, The Boston Tea Party. New York, 1968., p. 83; A. J. Langguth, Patriots: The Men Who Started The American Revolution. New York, 1988., pp. 184ff; Mark Mayo Boatner III, Encyclopaedia of the American Revolution. New York, 1976; Bernard Bailyn, The Ordeal of Thomas Hutchinson. Boston, Mass., 1974., p. 212.

[6] Bryant Lillywhite, London Coffee Houses. Also, Adam Bros. in Ben Weinrub and Christopher Hibbert, The London Encyclopaedia. London, Macmillan, 1983.

[7] Watson, Geo III, p. 340. Charles Dickens once wrote that the vaults beneath 3 Robert Street were a place to avoid for risk of murder: William Kent, An Encyclopedia of London. 1937., item: The Adelphi.

[8] G. E. Mingay, Georgian London. London, Batsford, 1975., pp. 46-50.

[9] Hillaby, London, pp. 52-53, p. 75, 85.

[10] Hillaby, London, pp. 138-139.

[11] Duncan Campbell Letterbooks Vol. 1, Note to Campbell Letter 31: From ML, A3225, p. 100. Campbell directed other letters to Messrs Adam, See also, ML A3229, p. 405. Messrs Adam, the four Scots brothers, noted architects and designers, were the doyens of architecture, interior decoration, taste and fashion in London. The transactions referred to may have been associated with the first moves the Adam brothers were making in their development of the Adelphi, where Campbell later had chambers at No. 3, Robert Street. Campbell in other letters listed some of the firms affected by the crisis. On 3 March, 1774, a lottery was drawn at Jonathan's Coffee House, Exchange Court, at the opposite side of the Strand. Lillywhite, London Coffee Houses. Incidentally, there seems no reason at this point to believe that any assistance from Campbell might have given him any lien later enabling him to take premises at the Adelphi, although, matters may have transpired in such a manner. Campbell from mid-1786 would live at 3 Robert Street, the Adelphi.

[12] The Duncan Campbell Letterbooks, ML A3229, p. 405.

[13] A. E. Smith, Colonists in Bondage, p. 365, Note 40 records that Maryland Shipping Returns show 493 convicts entering the colony in ships owned by Campbell after April, 1772. The figure does not include the numbers sent to Virginia or elsewhere. The figures indicate the loss Campbell suffered by loss of the 5 bounty. Oldham, Britain's Convicts, pp. 28ff.

[14] McDougal was still on Tayloe in 1773.

[15] Ekirch, Bound for America, p. 88, Note 1.

[16] Duncan Campbell Letterbooks, ML A3225, Vol. 1, p. 29.

[17] Ekirch, Bound for America, p. 124.

[18] A detail from Duncan Campbell Letterbooks, by date, Vol. 1, ML A3225.

[19] Notes to Campbell Letter 32: Transcript from ML, A3225. Information the ship was to be sold was a lie, as she was not intended for sale. There is no information on the reason for this fight. Probably it stemmed from Colin Somerville's disasters on Justitia while Gillis was mate. Some letters in 1772 are revealing. On 3 July, 1772, Campbell informed the gaoler at Oakham that a ship was ready to sail on 15 July. On 16 July, Campbell wrote to the keeper of HM Gaol at Maidstone, which town as a junction of main roads was also a "convict depot". During July, too, Capt. McDougal was on the ship Tayloe for JS&C. Capt. Gillis was on the Justitia. A. E. Smith, Colonists in Bondage, p. 328: a Capt. Dougal McDougal left London on Dolphin, sailing 2 June, 1764 with 141 convicts. The ship was registered at Annapolis as arriving on 14 August, 1764. On 9 July, 1773, Campbell wrote to Capt. Dougal McDougal on Tayloe. Leigh: probably Mr. Sjt. Leigh, a Campbell relative.

[20] In 1772: T. Thompson, `Personal Indebtedness', p. 21, a second depression rocked the British economy and British merchants again talked in terms of restricted credit and a need to collect debts. James Anderson of London described affairs when he wrote of a Maryland correspondent that the current economic picture "has caused the trading part ... [to] act with extreme caution".

[21] Notes to Campbell Letter 33: There is no information on the reason for this fight. Probably it stemmed from Colin Somerville's disasters on Justitia while Gillis was mate. Duncan Campbell often when he was angry admonished a man - "think what you are about!" If the man did not think according to Campbell's lights he was quickly dispensed with. That a man's reputation might have been in some way at "defiance with the world" was a situation Campbell abhorred in any and every form, a trait probably deeply lifelong colouring his attitudes to convicted criminals. Some letters in 1772 are revealing.

[22] Campbell shortly disposed of Thornton.

[23] Campbell to John Tayloe, John Page, 1 April, 1772. About now, some in Britain were foolishly considering an old statute providing for the arrest of a person outside the kingdom and their being brought to Britain for trial. Naturally, the Americans thought this a totally outrageous essence of tyranny. Tuchman, March of Folly, pp. 224ff, p. 239.

[24] Ceceqhona works: Campbell to John Tayloe, 15 July, 1774. 1773: Stephenson, Randolph and Cheston, who now employed a doctor, were using the ship Elizabeth to Maryland, and again in 1774. Morgan, `Stevenson, Randolph and Cheston', p. 214. On the Isabella was Capt. Spencer. One colonial they dealt with was Capt. Charles Ridgely, who had a Northampton ironworks in Baltimore County.

[25] Ekirch, Bound for America, p. 145.

[26] 5 November, 1772, Campbell to James Base at Gravesend - an order for some slop cloathing for Justitia Capt. Gray leaving on 15 Nov. Campbell often dealt with Base, as on 8 Dec., 1773, Campbell to Mr. James Base at Gravesend, regarding slop cloathing for convicts per Justitia; Capt. Gray will be at Gravesend next Wed. or Thur. with ps: "I trust you will take care that these are as good as can be had at the prices."

[27] 1772: 26 Nov., Cheston and the Bristol firm SRC using Capt. Thomas Spencer, ship not known, Captain T. Spencer to Cheston, 26 Nov., 1776, re ill convicts. Ekirch, Bound for America, p. 103, Note 3, p. 126.

[28] Campbell had warehouses at Haydon Square. Presumably the benefit of Stewart's estate enabled the move to the new address.

[29] None of Campbell's letters provide any clue as to which underwriters he used for his ship insurances, as earlier noted.

[30] Campbell's use of the term "the delay the Board of Treasury seems disposed to give me" referred to his reactions to the government's intention to cease paying out the 5 bounty on each male convict transported.

[31] Note to Campbell Letter 33: Transcript from ML, A3225 p. 93. A. E. Smith has published some extracts from Campbell's overtures to government in this matter coming hard on the heels of his loss of partner John Stewart. The "certain person" was Colin Currie. About 17 November, 1772, Campbell sent 44 hogsheads of tobacco to John and Abraham Retberg and Sons of Bremen per ship Christian Capt. Sager. Campbell wrote to Retbergs on 8 October, 1773, but not after January 1774, when the arrangements ceased.

[32] Unfortunately there are two versions of the origins of Hopes of Amsterdam, as given in Burke's Peerage and Baronetage for Hope of Craighall. Burke's Extinct for Hope of Kerse. DNB entries for John Williams-Hope and for Henry Hope. Labaree, Boston Tea Party, p. 10; Kynaston, City of London, p. 18, p. 23. Neither genealogical version is entirely convincing and there is little corroborative information on persons from studies in business history per se. The Napoleonic Wars spelled the end of Hopes in Amsterdam and they were finally absorbed by Barings. Scattered information on merchants Hopes is found in Charles Wilson, Anglo-Dutch Commerce and Finance in the Eighteenth Century. Cambridge University Press, 1941. 1966.

[33] On the Herries family history: Booker, Traveller's Money, cited earlier. David Hancock, Citizens of the World: London Merchants and the Integration of the British Atlantic Community, 1735-17850. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1996. Edna Healey, Coutts and Co., 1692-1992: The Portrait of a Private Bank. London, Hodder and Stoughton, 1992., pp. 100ff. Namier/Brooke, The History of Parliament: House of Commons, 1754-1790, Vol. 2, p. 615. DNB for Sir Charles John Herries (1815-1883). GEC, Peerage, Fitzwalter of Woodham Walter, p. 494. These Herries have indistinct links with the aristocrat Herries listed in GEC, Peerage, Herries of Terregles. It is possible that with the name Blackburn here, there was some family connection with the name Blackburn in North America, involved in some aspects of the 1773 tea deal. [Sir] Robert Herries... Jacob M. Price, (Ed.), `Directions for the Conduct of a Merchant's Counting House, 1776', Business History, No. 3, Vol. 28, July 1986., pp. 134-150.

[34] On the career of John Charles Herries, (1778-1855) army commissary and financier, who became an auditor of the Civil List: His own DNB entry. Count Corti, The Rise of the House of Rothschild. [Translated from the German by Brian and Beatrix Lunn] London, Victor Gollancz Ltd., 1928., p. 457. He became private secretary to prime minister Spencer Perceval before being placed in 1811 as army commissary-in-chief to act against "the contractors". Information is contradictory on whether John Charles was connected with the bank, Herries-Farquhar; one would think, he was not directly connected. Kynaston, City of London, p. 54, discusses John Charles' links to the banker Nathan Rothschild.

[35] David Hancock, Citizens of the World, cited above.

[36] The American Revolution severely damaged Hopes of Amsterdam. In 1794 one Henry Hope returned to London. (Kynaston, City of London, p. 11, p. 23). Later, Barings took over what remained of Hopes. As noted above, two versions of the origins of the Scottish merchants Hope of Amsterdam exist, neither very helpful; here I have collapsed the available information. A suitable progenitor appears to be Sir Thomas Hope, Bart, active 1600, whose immediate descendants were Sir Thomas Hope of Kerse (d. 1643), and Sir Alexander Hope of Kerse (1697-1749). A descendant Henry Hope went to Amsterdam as a merchant; and one Henry Hope of Amsterdam married Jacqueline De Tott. There was also a James Hope of Amsterdam. It also appears that a man named Williams changed his name to Hope, and worked as a merchant in Amsterdam; John Hope-Williams (1757-1813), who married Anne Goddard. He had a son William Williams- Hope (1802-1855), an art collector and man of fashion; whose daughter Henrietta Dorothea (died 1830) married William a son of Sir James Gambier. Burke's Peerage and Baronetage for Hope of Craighall; GEC, Peerage, Athlone, p. 302. On Coutts bankers, see Edna Healey, Coutts, cited above. B. W. Labaree, Boston Tea Party, p. 10. GEC, Peerage, Buchan, pp. 381-383; Cardross, p. 19. Burke's Extinct Baronetcies for Hope of Kerse; and for Aucher. DNB entry for John Williams-Hope (1757-1813). I have not found anything on any Adrian Hope in genealogical materials.

[37] Sir William Forbes (1739-1806), Bart6, banker with Herries-Farquhar, was son of advocate William Forbes and Dame Christian Forbes, married to Elizabeth Hay. He was apprenticed by the influence of Sir Francis Farquarson of Haughton to Messrs Coutts in Edinburgh, and was with a firm known from 1773 as Forbes, Hunter and Co. (that was renamed in 1838 as Union Banking Co.) He joined the relatively new bank Herries-Farquhar in January 1766. (Booker on Herries, Traveller's Money; Namier-Brooke on Herries, The History of Parliament: The House of Commons, 1754-1790, Vol. 2, p. 615.) Then from 1773 were partners, Forbes, Hunter/Blair, and Sir Robert Herries, later Herries and Co. The house was greatly trusted in Scotland and did well in panics of 1772, 1788 and 1793. Forbes later had his own private bank. Pitt used to consult Forbes on matters financial and in 1799 offered him an Irish peerage, which he declined, as he declined invitations to stand for Parliament. Burke's Peerage and Baronetage for Dunbar of Northfield and for Stuart-Forbes. GEC, Peerage, Forbes, p. 552; Glasgow, p. 664. His own DNB entry. Who's Who in Boswell, p. 130. It is not clear if Sir Charles Forbes (1773-1849), Bart1, associated with one of the three biggest agency house in Bombay, was from the same family, or any similar interest group. When Lachlan Macquarie (as a former governor of New South Wales) was attacked in Parliament, he was defended by Sir Charles Forbes, Sir James Mackintosh and W. T. Money. Sir Charles Forbes was a nephew of John Forbes in India; he had four sons and two daughters. He was created a baronet in Patent in 1823, and was of Newes and Edinglassie, Aberdeenshire, a descendant of Alexander Forbes of Kinaldie; and in 1833 served heir male in general to Alexander, third Lord Forbes of Pitsligo, father of Alexander, fourth Lord Forbes. He was educated at Aberdeen University, then went to India to become head of Forbes and Co. of Bombay. He advocated justice for India and claims of women for franchise, but thought the 1830s Reform Bill "a hideous monster". Bombay erected a statue in his honour for improving water supply. Burke's Peerage and Baronetage, for Forbes of Newe. His own DNB entry. Kynaston, City of London, p. 154. John Forbes of Forbes and Company, an India agency house, was active by 1810, a son of John Forbes and Christian Shepherd: Burke's Peerage and Baronetage, for Forbes of Newe. He was an uncle of Sir Charles Forbes MP of Forbes and Company, who is noted briefly in H. M. Ellis, Lachlan Macquarie: His Life, Adventures and Times. (Revised edition). Sydney, Angus and Robertson, 1952., p. 51, p. 79, pp. 86-67, p. 98.

[38] Forbes: His own DNB entry: Burke's Peerage and Baronetage for Stuart-Forbes; and Dunbar of Northfield. GEC, Peerage, Glasgow, p. 664; Forbes, p. 552. Who's Who in Boswell, p. 130. Booker, Traveller's Money, cited above. Sir James Hunter Blair (1741-1787), Bart1, was a banker with Herries-Farquhar. He was presumably linked to the Blairs marrying into Maxwells of Monreith. (Burke's Peerage and Baronetage for Blair.) and married Jean Blair who died 2 February, 1817m daughter of John Blair and Anne Kennedy; this Jean Blair had 14 children. He may be the man named in Stenton, British Parliamentarians, Vol. 1, p. 389? This Sir James Hunter Blair may be the man named in Stenton, British Parliamentarians, Vol. 1, p. 389. John Booker, Traveller's Money, variously on Herries et al; and Namier/Brooke, The History of Parliament: The House of Commons, 1754-1790, Vol. 2, p. 615.

[39] On the Union Bank of Australia/Australasia, see S. J. Butlin, Australia and New Zealand Bank: The Bank of Australasia and the Union Bank of Australia Limited, 1828-1851. Longmans, London, 1961., p. 56. Some further details are in Frank J. A. Broeze, Mr Brooks and the Australian Trade: Imperial Business in the Nineteenth Century. Melbourne, Melbourne University Press, 1993., p. 56, Note 314. It remains difficult, however, to trace banker linkages from the early 1770s to events influential in Australasian financial circles as late as the 1830s and beyond, for lack of inter-linked genealogical and other data.

[40] Thomas M. Devine, The Tobacco Lords, pp. 82-83, p. 90, p. 109. The French enjoyed tobacco from the Upper James River area. In November 1772 the French buyers, Messrs Herries and Co. of Glasgow closely watched French buying patterns, as the French paid in cash or quickly discountable bills. In the crisis of 1772, Scots tobacco men went to Sir Robert Herries with open arms. Partly due to Herries' operations, Glasgow firms in the first years of the American Revolution enjoyed some windfall prices, as the French before the war had been trying to drive down prices by buying less, so when war broke out they had no stocks and had to buy what Glasgow had. In March 1776, Herries was trying a too-low price for Glasgow tobacco, and Britain was still confident it would win this war; but by March 1776, most London houses had sold all their stocks, so London got no windfall gains.

[41] The machinations allowing Herries to accomplish his ends here are explained in Namier-Brooke, History of Parliament, Vol. 2, pp. 615-616.

[42] After 1822, a young Scotsman who had been in NSW and "the east", Walter Stevenson Davidson, returning to London from the east, became associated with the bank, Herries-Farquhar. Davidson was instrumental in developing financial business which specialised in "paper" related to financial business with NSW. Hainsworth, Builders and Adventurers, p. 71. S. B. Singh, Agency Houses, p. 23, p. 71. W. S. Davidson became the family banker for the notable promoters of wool production in NSW, the Macarthurs. In this role, W. S. Davidson helped to orchestrate financial linkages notable in the development of the Australian Agricultural Company. Much earlier, he had been an agent for Baring and Co. at Canton and Macao. W. E. Cheong, Mandarins and Merchants: Jardine Matheson and Co: A China Agency of the Early Nineteenth Century. London, Curzon Press, (Scandinavian Institute of Asian Studies, Monograph Series, No. 26), 1979., pp. 56-61, p. 87.

[43] John Booker, Traveller's Money. Titles relevant here concerning American Revolutionary history include: on Hopes of Amsterdam, B. W. Labaree, Boston Tea Party, pp. 68-60. Ralph W. Hidy, The House of Baring in American Trade and Finance: English Merchant Bankers at Work, 17630-1861. Cambridge, Massachusetts, Harvard University Press, 1949. p. 28. Titles concerning London-based commercial history include Eric J. Evans, The Forging of the Modern State: Early Industrial Britain, 1783-1870. London, Longman, 1983. Namier-Brooke, The History of Parliament: House of Commons, 1754-1790, Vol. 2, p. 615. Kynaston, City of London, p. 54 on the close links between Army Commissary and financier during the Napoleonic Wars, John Charles Herries (1778-1855), and Nathan Rothschild, and on J. C. Herries, Count Corti, Rothschild, cited above, p. 457. R. S. Sayers, Lloyds Bank in the History of English Banking. Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1957. Clive Emsley, British Society and the French Wars, 1793-1815. London, Macmillan, 1979., p. 50. Titles concerning the early colonial history of New South Wales include: Jane De Falbe, Dear Miss Macarthur: Recollections of Emmeline Maria Macarthur, 1821-1911. Kangaroo Press, Australia, 1988. Butlin, Australia and New Zealand Bank, p. 56. Barrie Dyster, `The Rise of William Fanning and the Ruin of Richard Jones', Journal of the Royal Australian Historical Society, Vol. 67, Part 4, March 1982., pp. 366-374., here, p. 373, Note 20.

[44] A book of scepticism about the Revolution which echoes that of Schlesinger's article on the Boston Tea Party is Thomas Fleming, 1776: Year of Illusions. New York, W. W. Norton and Co., 1975.

[45] Labaree, Boston Tea Party, pp. 1-9.

[46] Citations: (Labaree, Boston Tea Party, notes letters between Thomas and Adrian Hope to Thomas Hancock, Boston, in 1745-1755, page 268, p. 276, of Notes). John Kidd in London writes and vice versa to William Gough of Philadelphia in October 1754. John Kidd in Philadelphia writes to Rawlinson and Davison in London. Alexander Mackay London writes to James Bowdoin Boston on 7 April, 1770.

[47] Material here has been gathered largely from Labaree. In June 1767 the Connecticut London agent was William S. Johnson. In January 1768 some Boston tea handlers were the firm Edes and Gill. Two other Boston tea handler firms by the late 1760s included Richard Clarke [who had a daughter Peggy married to Thomas Hutchinson, son of the governor, and Richard Clarke had sons Jonathan and Isaac] and Sons and Thomas and Elisha Hutchinson (linked to the family of Governor Hutchinson). By February 1768, Dennys DeBerdt was colonial agent for Massachusetts Bay. Francis Bernard in London had earlier been governor for Massachusetts Bay. London Alderman Barlow Trecothick became lord Mayor, succeeding William Beckford. His family/political linkages seem to have been underestimated He had a partner, MP John Tomlinson, whose father was a planter on Antigua. Trecothick in Boston had been apprentice to a wealthy government contractor, Charles Apthorp, and Trecothick had lived and traded at both Jamaica and Boston. One of Trecothick's wives was Anna Margaretta Meredith, daughter of Amos Meredith and Joanna Choldmondeley. Here, Amos also had children Henrietta who married Lord Frederick Vane MP (1732-1801) and a Lord of Admiralty, Sir William, Bart3 (1725-1790, unm). Here also, some of the Choldmondeley family were linked to the family of a former Governor of Madras, Thomas Pitt (1653-1726), once MP for Old Sarum, the ancestor of prime ministers Pitt the Elder and Younger; when Essex Pitt married MP Charles Choldmondeley. Trecothick took a pro-Rockingham line, was a pro-American and an agent for New Hampshire. American tea handlers at Newburyport were Jonathan Jackson and his brother-in-law Oliver Wendell, arch-patriots like Hancock of Boston. On family linkages surrounding Trecothick, see Peter Douglas Brown, William Pitt, Earl of Chatam: The Great Commoner. London, Allen and Unwin, 1978. Ian B. Watson, Foundation, p. 108 on Pitt. Namier-Brooke, The History of Parliament: House of Commons, 1754-1790, Vol. 2, p. 213; Vol. 3, p. 130. GEC, Peerage, Barnard; Curzon, p. 583; Ferrers, pp. 332ff. Valerie Hope, Lord Mayor, variously. Kellock, `London Merchants', p. 148.

[48] Sulivan has never been thoroughly researched and does not appear in my notes until 1757, when he began to rise as an East India Company director whilst opposing Clive. Sulivan's backers had all been in India. Sulivan's son Stephen (1742-1821) was a legal man in India, and an opium contractor while his father and partners tried to open up Malaysia to British interests; Stephen owed his fortune to Warren Hastings but it is unclear if Sulivan Snr approved of Hastings' rule in India. (P. J. Marshall, `The Personal Fortune of Warren Hastings', Economic History Review, Series 2, Vol. XVII, Nos. 1, 2, 3, 1965-1965., pp. 284-300.) To 1764, Sulivan would have answered to East India Company chairman, Payne. About the time of Clive's military successes, to 1764, Payne faded from East India Company records and became a partner with a new merchant bank, Smith's Payne and Smith. Lucy Stewart Sutherland, The East India Company in Eighteenth Century Politics. Oxford at the Clarendon Press, 1952. Leighton-Boyce, Smiths the Bankers, variously. Smith Payne Smith personnel retained an excise sub-commission until 1841, and Abel Smith II with ten London and three country bankers was a contractor to the British government during the American Revolution, providing victuals for 60,000 troops in America. See p. 80 of Charles P. Kindleberger, A Financial History of Western Europe. London, George Allen and Unwin, 1984.

[49] Labaree, Boston Tea Party, pp. 66-68.

[50] On Herries receiving tobacco from Hamilton, a cousin of Alexander Hamilton the US statesman: Jacob M. Price, (Ed.), `Directions for the Conduct of a merchant's counting house, 1776', Business History, No. 3, Vol. XXVIII, July, 1986., pp. 134-150. Coutts' Brothers and Co. bank, which had been associated with George Campbell's "West End" bank, became Herries of 1776. Rosane Rocher and Michael E. Scorgie, 'A Family Empire: The Alexander Hamilton cousins, 1750-1830', The Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History, Vol. 23, No. 2, 1994., pp. 189-210.

[51] This was the above-named cousin of Sir Robert, Michael, who at times seems to have been a dealer in slaves.

[52] Labaree, Boston Tea Party, pp. 68-74 and Note 27 on p. 282.

[53] Labaree, Boston Tea Party, notes, p. 301, John Norton, London, writing to Peyton Randolph in America, 6 July, 1773.

[54] A Company official, Bolton had first opted for the Sulivan faction, then moved to the Clive faction within the company. Namier-Brooke, History of Parliament, Vol. 2, p. 267. On Clive of India and Laurence Sulivan as a non-Imperialist free trader, see Edward Thompson and G. T. Garratt, Rise and Fulfilment of British Rule in India. Allahabad, Central Book Depot, 1969.

[55] Olson, Making the Empire Work, p. 134. In 1773, when a committee of Merchants called on Lord North to discuss American politics, they were told to "return and set quietly in their counting houses".

[56] On Frederick Pigou Snr., Kellock, `London Merchants', pp. 136-140. This man was a partner with Miles Peter Andrews at 28 Budge Row, manufacturers of gunpowder. Pigou Senior by 1773 was a director of the East India Company wanting to consign tea to America. The owners of the ship Nancy were William Kelly and Co. and perhaps John Blackburn. Pigou was also linked with Booth. Little is known of Frederick Pigou Jnr, whose sister Charlotte married rear-admiral Robert Stuart Lambert (1771-1836). Burke's Peerage and Baronetage for Grey of London.

[57] Among the finally-involved London dealers were Walter Mansell and Company, Arthur Lee, Thomas Walpole, the later alderman Brook Watson and his partner Rashleigh, Champion and Dickinson, Hayley and Hopkins, Lane Son and Fraser, Davidson and Newman, Abraham Dupois, Pigou and Booth; and John Fothergill. Merchants who may have been Londoners, or Americans, it is difficult to say, included James Hall, Hugh Williamson and John D. Whitworth, who with William Rotch later contacted the Privy Council on 19 February, 1774 (Labaree, Boston Tea Party, p. 295, [Note 36]; pp. 89-95). Other merchants listed by Labaree include: Brook Watson of Watson and Rashleigh, Garlick Hill, London. Joshua Winslow of Boston (late of Nova Scotia), Robarts, Payne and Roberts, Kings Arms Yard, London (Robarts here was possibly Abraham Robarts, later a banker partner with Alderman William Curtis noted later herein). At Charleston, South Carolina, Andrew Lord and George Ancrum; George Hayley and John Blackburn; William Palmer of Devonshire Square; John Nutt of New Broad Street Buildings; and Roger Smith of South Carolina. John Nutt acted with Duncan Campbell in 1791 as two of the British Creditors who lobbied government over losses by the American Revolution. Labaree, Boston Tea Party, p. 122. Other Boston consignees included Thomas Lushing, and, possibly one Henry Ford.

[58] Richard Champion of Bristol wrote to Willing and Morris on 30 September, 1774. Richard Lechmere of Boston to Lane, Son and Fraser, London on 30 May 1774. Labaree, Boston Tea Party, p. 303 of Notes; p. 311.

[59] Hayley was a notable figure at Lloyd's of London. There was incidentally on 5 March, 1774, an opening for Lloyd's over the north-west corner of the Royal Exchange, with Taylor as master of ceremonies. Thomas Tayler remained master of Lloyd's 1774-1796. From 1774, it was agreed, there would be a suppression of "the gate crashers" at Lloyd's, the non-serious men.

[60] Labaree, Boston Tea Party, p. 10, pp. 68-69 and early pages on the original tea deal of 1773 before the Boston Tea Party, p. vii.

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